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Ethnic townships, towns, and sums - Wikipedia

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(Top)

1Numbers of ethnic townships, towns, and sums

2List of ethnic townships and ethnic towns

Toggle List of ethnic townships and ethnic towns subsection

2.1Anhui

2.2Beijing

2.3Chongqing

2.4Fujian

2.5Gansu

2.6Guangdong

2.7Guangxi

2.8Guizhou

2.9Hainan

2.10Hebei

2.11Heilongjiang

2.12Henan

2.13Hubei

2.14Hunan

2.15Inner Mongolia

2.16Jiangsu

2.17Jiangxi

2.17.1Shangrao Municipality

2.17.2Yingtan Municipality

2.17.3Fuzhou Municipality

2.17.4Ganzhou Municipality

2.17.5Ji'an Municipality

2.18Jilin

2.19Liaoning

2.20Ningxia

2.21Qinghai

2.22Shaanxi

2.23Shandong

2.24Shanghai

2.25Shanxi

2.26Sichuan

2.27Taiwan

2.28Tianjin

2.29Tibet

2.30Xinjiang

2.31Yunnan

2.32Zhejiang

3Maps

4Notes

5References

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Ethnic townships, towns, and sums

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Township-level subdivisions of China

This article includes a list of references, related reading, or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (June 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

Ethnic townshipChinese nameSimplified Chinese民族乡Traditional Chinese民族鄉TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu Pinyinmínzú xiāngBopomofoㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄗㄨˊ ㄒㄧㄤGwoyeu Romatzyhmintzwu shiangWade–Gilesmin2-tsu2 hsiang1Yale Romanizationmíndzú syāngIPA[mǐn.tsǔ.ɕjáŋ]Ethnic townSimplified Chinese民族镇Traditional Chinese民族鎮TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu Pinyinmínzú zhènBopomofoㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄗㄨˊ ㄓㄣˋGwoyeu Romatzyhmintzwu jennWade–Gilesmin2-tsu2 chên4Yale Romanizationmíndzú jènIPA[mǐn.tsǔ.ʈʂə̂n]Ethnic sumSimplified Chinese民族苏木Traditional Chinese民族蘇木TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu Pinyinmínzú sūmùBopomofoㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄗㄨˊㄙㄨㄇㄨˋGwoyeu Romatzyhmintzwu sumuhWade–Gilesmin2-tsu2 su1-mu4Yale Romanizationmíndzú sūmùIPA[mǐn.tsǔ sú.mû]Zhuang nameZhuangminzcuz yanghminzcuz cinqUyghur nameUyghurمىللىي يېزا‎TranscriptionsLatin Yëziqimilliy yëza

Administrative divisionsof China

Province-level (1st)Municipalities

Provinces

Autonomous regions

Special administrative regions

Sub-provincial levelSub-provincial cities

Sub-provincial autonomous prefectures

Sub-provincial city districts

Prefecture-level (2nd)Prefectural cities

Autonomous prefectures

Leagues (Aimag)

(abolishing)

Prefectures

(abolishing)

Sub-prefectural-levelSub-prefectural cities

Provincial-controlled cities

Provincial-controlled counties

Provincial-controlled districts

County level (3rd)Counties

Autonomous counties

County-level cities

DistrictsEthnic districts

Banners (Hoxu)Autonomous banners

Shennongjia Forestry District

Liuzhi Special District

Wolong Special Administrative Region

Workers and peasants districts

(obsolete)

Analogous county level unitsManagement areasManagement committee

Township level (4th)Townships

Ethnic townships

Towns

Subdistricts

Subdistrict bureaux

Sum

Ethnic sum

County-controlled districts

County-controlled district bureaux

(obsolete)

Management committees

Town-level city

(pilot)

Analogous township level unitsManagement areasManagement committee

Areas

Farms area (Overseas Chinese Farm Region [zh]), Prison area, University towns, etc.

Village level (5th)(Grassroots Autonomous Organizations)

Villages · Gaqa · Ranches

Village Committees

Communities

Residential Committees

OthersRegions

Capital cities

New areas

Autonomous administrative divisions

National Central Cities

Special Economic Zones

History: before 1912, 1912–49, 1949–present

Administrative division codesvte

Ethnic townships (officially translated as nationality townships[1]), ethnic towns, and ethnic sums are fourth-level administrative units designated for ethnic minorities of political divisions in the People's Republic of China. They are not considered to be autonomous and do not enjoy the laws pertaining to the larger ethnic autonomous areas such as autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, autonomous counties, and autonomous banners.

The only ethnic sum is the Evenk Ethnic Sum in Old Barag Banner, Inner Mongolia.

Numbers of ethnic townships, towns, and sums[edit]

Year

Quantity of ethnic townships, towns, and sums

1986

2936

1988

1571

1990

1980

1997

1545

2000

1356

2001

1165

2002

1160

2003

1147

2004

1126

2010

1098

2013

1035

2021

959

List of ethnic townships and ethnic towns[edit]

Anhui[edit]

Paifang Hui and Manchu Ethnic Township (牌坊回族满族乡)

Saijian Hui Ethnic Township (赛涧回族乡)

Gugou Hui Ethnic Township (古沟回族乡)

Gudui Hui Ethnic Township (孤堆回族乡)

Lichong Hui Ethnic Township (李冲回族乡)

Taodian Hui Ethnic Township (陶店回族乡)

Beijing[edit]

Changying Hui Ethnic Township (常营回族乡)

Changshaoying Manchu Ethnic Township (长哨营满族乡)

Labagoumen Manchu Ethnic Township (喇叭沟门满族乡)

Tanying Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (檀营满族蒙古族乡)

Yujiawu Hui Ethnic Township (于家务回族乡)

Chongqing[edit]

Debao Tujia Ethnic Township (地宝土家族乡)

Henghe Tujia Ethnic Township (恒合土家族乡)

Mozi Tujia Ethnic Township (磨子土家族乡)

Shiqiao Miao and Tujia Ethnic Township (石桥苗族土家族乡)

Wenfu Miao and Tujia Ethnic Township (文复苗族土家族乡)

Houping Miao and Tujia Ethnic Township (后坪苗族土家族乡)

Haokou Miao and Gelao Township (浩口苗族仡佬族乡)

Taihe Tujia Ethnic Township (太和土家族乡)

Chang'an Tujia Ethnic Township (长安土家族乡)

Longqiao Tujia Ethnic Township (龙桥土家族乡)

Yunwu Tujia Ethnic Township (云雾土家族乡)

Qingshui Tujia Ethnic Township (清水土家族乡)

Fujian[edit]

She ethnic townships in Fujian

Xiaocang She Ethnic Township (小沧畲族乡)

Huokou She Ethnic Township (霍口畲族乡)

Guanzhuang She Ethnic Township (官庄畲族乡)

Lufeng She Ethnic Township (庐丰畲族乡)

Jinhan She Ethnic Township (金涵畲族乡)

Banzhong She Ethnic Township Township (坂中畲族乡)

Muyun She Ethnic Township Township (穆云畲族乡)

Kangcuo She Ethnic Township Township (康厝畲族乡)

Xiamen She Ethnic Township (硖门畲族乡)

Jiayang She Ethnic Township (佳阳畲族乡)

Shuimen She Ethnic Township (水门畲族乡)

Chongru She Ethnic Township (崇儒畲族乡)

Yantian She Ethnic Township (盐田畲族乡)

Baiqi Hui Ethnic Township (百崎回族乡)

Qingshui She Ethnic Township (青水畲族乡)

Zhiping She Ethnic Township (治平畲族乡)

Longjiao She Ethnic Township (隆教畲族乡)

Huxi She Ethnic Township (湖西畲族乡)

Chiling She Ethnic Township (赤岭畲族乡)

Gansu[edit]

Guangdong[edit]

Zhangxi She Ethnic Township (漳溪畲族乡)

Lantian Yao Ethnic Township (蓝天瑶族乡)

Yao'an Yao Ethnic Township (瑶安瑶族乡)

Sanshui Yao Ethnic Township (三水瑶族乡)

Chengjia Yao Ethnic Township (秤架瑶族乡)

Shendushui Yao Ethnic Township (深渡水瑶族乡)

Shuai Zhuang and Yao Ethnic Township (帅壮族瑶族乡)

Guangxi[edit]

Guzhai Yao Ethnic Township (古寨瑶族乡)

Jiafang Yao Ethnic Township (加方瑶族乡)

Zhenwei Yao Ethnic Township (镇圩瑶族乡)

Wangdian Yao Ethnic Township (汪甸瑶族乡)

Lingzhan Yao Ethnic Township (伶站瑶族乡)

Chaoli Yao Ethnic Township (朝里瑶族乡)

Shali Yao Ethnic Township (沙里瑶族乡)

Yuhong Yao Ethnic Township (玉洪瑶族乡)

Zuodeng Yao Ethnic Township (作登瑶族乡)

Lucheng Yao Ethnic Township (潞城瑶族乡)

Lizhou Yao Ethnic Township (利周瑶族乡)

Bagui Yao Ethnic Township (八桂瑶族乡)

Badu Yao Ethnic Township (八渡瑶族乡)

Nazuo Miao Ethnic Township (那佐苗族乡)

Puhe Miao Ethnic Township (普合苗族乡)

Zubie Yao and Miao Ethnic Township (足别瑶族苗族乡)

Nanping Yao Ethnic Township (南屏瑶族乡)

Guo'an Yao Ethnic Township (国安瑶族乡)

Malian Yao Ethnic Township (马练瑶族乡)

Caoping Hui Ethnic Township (草坪回族乡)

Wantian Yao Ethnic Township (宛田瑶族乡)

Huangsha Yao Ethnic Township (黄沙瑶族乡)

Pulu Yao Ethnic Township (蒲芦瑶族乡)

Jiaojiang Yao Ethnic Township (蕉江瑶族乡)

Dongshan Yao Ethnic Township (东山瑶族乡)

Huajiang Yao Ethnic Township (华江瑶族乡)

Fulong Yao Ethnic Township (福龙瑶族乡)

Beiya Yao Ethnic Township (北牙瑶族乡)

Sannong Yao Ethnic Township (三弄瑶族乡)

Jinya Yao Ethnic Township (金牙瑶族乡)

Pingle Yao Ethnic Township (平乐瑶族乡)

Jiangzhou Yao Ethnic Township (江洲瑶族乡)

Xunle Miao Ethnic Township (驯乐苗族乡)

Zhongbao Miao Ethnic Township (中堡苗族乡)

Bawei Yao Ethnic Township (八圩瑶族乡)

Lihu Yao Ethnic Township (里湖瑶族乡)

Bala Yao Ethnic Township (八腊瑶族乡)

Huangdong Yao Ethnic Township (黄洞瑶族乡)

Daping Yao Ethnic Township (大平瑶族乡)

Xianhui Yao Ethnic Township (仙回瑶族乡)

Huashan Yao Ethnic Township (花山瑶族乡)

Liang'an Yao Ethnic Township (两安瑶族乡)

Guzhai Mulao Ethnic Township (古砦仫佬族乡)

Tonglian Yao Ethnic Township (同练瑶族乡)

Gunbei Dong Ethnic Township (滚贝侗族乡)

Tongle Miao Ethnic Township (同乐苗族乡)

Fulu Miao Ethnic Township (富禄苗族乡)

Gaoji Yao Ethnic Township (高基瑶族乡)

Changping Yao Ethnic Township (长坪瑶族乡)

Xiayi Yao Ethnic Township (夏宜瑶族乡)

Guizhou[edit]

Major Autonomous areas within Guizhou. (excluding Hui)

Blue - miao. Dark green- Bouyei

Blue - miao. Brown- tujia. red - dong

Hainan[edit]

none

Hebei[edit]

Jiumen Hui Ethnic Township (九门回族乡)

Pengjiazhuang Hui Ethnic Township (彭家庄回族乡)

Gaotou Hui Ethnic Township (高头回族乡)

Haotouzhuang Hui Ethnic Township (号头庄回族乡)

Loucun Manchu Ethnic Township (娄村满族乡)

Lingyunce Hui and Manchu Ethnic Township (凌云册回族满族乡)

Yang'erzhuang Hui Ethnic Township (羊二庄回族乡)

Xincun Hui Ethnic Township (新村回族乡)

Yangsanmu Hui Ethnic Township (羊三木回族乡)

Jiedi Hui Ethnic Township (捷地回族乡)

Dulin Hui Ethnic Township (杜林回族乡)

Litianmu Hui Ethnic Township (李天木回族乡)

Dazhecun Hui Ethnic Township (大褚村回族乡)

Benzhai Hui Ethnic Township (本斋回族乡)

Xidi Manchu Ethnic Township (西地满族乡)

Gangzi Manchu Ethnic Township (岗子满族乡)

Liangjia Manchu Ethnic Township (两家满族乡)

Yinjiaying Manchu Ethnic Township (尹家营满族乡)

Miaozigou Mongol and Manchu Ethnic Township (庙子沟蒙古族满族乡)

Pianpoying Manchu Ethnic Township (偏坡营满族乡)

Badaying Mongol Ethnic Township (八达营蒙古族乡)

Taipingzhuang Manchu Ethnic Township (太平庄满族乡)

Jiutun Manchu Ethnic Township (旧屯满族乡)

Xi'achao Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (西阿超满族蒙古族乡)

Baihugou Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (白虎沟满族蒙古族乡)

Pingfang Manchu Ethnic Township (平坊满族乡)

Anchungoumen Manchu Ethnic Township (安纯沟门满族乡)

Xiaoying Manchu Ethnic Township (小营满族乡)

Xigou Manchu Ethnic Township (西沟满族乡)

Dengchang Manchu Ethnic Township (邓厂满族乡)

Wudaoyingzi Manchu Ethnic Township (五道营子满族乡)

Mayingzi Ethnic Township (马营子满族乡)

Fujiadian Manchu Ethnic Township (付家店满族乡)

Datun Manchu Ethnic Township (大屯满族乡)

Liuxi Manchu Ethnic Township (柳溪满族乡)

Qijiadai Manchu Ethnic Township (七家岱满族乡)

Pingfang Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (平房满族蒙古族乡)

Maolangou Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (茅兰沟满族蒙古族乡)

Guozhangzi Manchu Ethnic Township (郭杖子满族乡)

Nantian Manchu Ethnic Township (南天门满族乡)

Bagualing Manchu Ethnic Township (八卦岭满族乡)

Yingzhen Hui Ethnic Township (营镇回族乡)

Chencun Hui Ethnic Township (陈村回族乡)

Daweihe Hui and Manchu Ethnic Township (大围河回族满族乡)

Guanjiawu Hui Ethnic Township (管家务回族乡)

Xiaxiaying Manchu Ethnic Township (西下营满族乡)

Tangquan Manchu Ethnic Township (汤泉满族乡)

Dongling Manchu Ethnic Township (东陵满族乡)

Da'erhao Hui Ethnic Township (大二号回族乡)

Wangjialou Hui Ethnic Township (王家楼回族乡)

Heilongjiang[edit]

Liaodian Manchu Ethnic Township (料甸满族乡)

Hongqi Manchu Ethnic Township (红旗满族乡)

Hedong Korean Ethnic Township (河东朝鲜族乡)

Yuchi Korean Ethnic Township (鱼池朝鲜族乡)

Qingling Manchu Ethnic Township (青岭满族乡)

Lianxing Ethnic Township (联兴满族乡)

Xingfu Manchu Ethnic Township (幸福满族乡)

Xinxing Manchu Ethnic Township (新兴满族乡)

Gongzheng Manchu Ethnic Township (公正满族乡)

Lequn Manchu Ethnic Township (乐群满族乡)

Xile Manchu Ethnic Township (希勤满族乡)

Tongxin Manchu Ethnic Township (同心满族乡)

Tuanjie Manchu Ethnic Township (团结满族乡)

Niujia Manchu Ethnic Town (牛家满族镇)

Lalin Manchu Ethnic Town (拉林满族镇)

Hongqi Manchu Ethnic Township (红旗满族乡)

Yingchengzi Manchu Ethnic Township (营城子满族乡)

Minle Korean Ethnic Ethnic Township (民乐朝鲜族乡)

Yinglan Korean Ethnic Township (迎兰朝鲜族乡)

Haode Mongol Ethnic Township (浩德蒙古族乡)

Yishun Mongol Ethnic Township (义顺蒙古族乡)

Chaodeng Mongol Ethnic Township (超等蒙古族乡)

Baiyinna Oroqen Ethnic Township (白银纳鄂伦春族乡)

Shibazhan Oroqen Ethnic Township (十八站鄂伦春族乡)

Dongming Korean Ethnic Township (东明朝鲜族乡)

Xinsheng Oroqen Ethnic Township (新生鄂伦春族乡)

Sijiazi Manchu Ethnic Township (四嘉子满族乡)

Kunhe Daur and Manchu Ethnic Township (河达斡尔族满族乡)

Yanjiang Manchu and Daur Ethnic Township (沿江满族达斡尔族乡)

Xinxing Oroqen Ethnic Township (新兴鄂伦春族乡)

Xin'e Oroqen Ethnic Township (新鄂鄂伦春族乡)

Jilin Korean Ethnic Township (鸡林朝鲜族乡)

Mingde Korean Ethnic Township (明德朝鲜族乡)

Hainan Korean Ethnic Township (海南朝鲜族乡)

Xin'an Korean Ethnic Town (新安朝鲜族镇)

Sanchakou Korean Ethnic Town (三岔口朝鲜族镇)

Shuishiying Manchu Ethnic Town (水师营满族镇)

Du'ermenqin Daur Ethnic Township (杜尔门沁达斡尔族乡)

Woniutu Daur Ethnic Town (卧牛吐达斡尔族镇)

Manggetu Daur Ethnic Township (莽格吐达斡尔族乡)

Xingwang Evenk Ethnic Township (兴旺鄂温克族乡)

Taha Manchu and Daur Ethnic Township (塔哈满族达斡尔族乡)

Youyi Daur, Manchu, and Kirghiz Ethnic Township (友谊达斡尔族满族柯尔克孜族乡)

Jiangqiao Mongol Ethnic Town (江桥蒙古族镇)

Ningjiang Mongol Ethnic Township (宁姜蒙古族乡)

Shengli Mongol Ethnic Township (胜利蒙古族乡)

Xiangshu Korean Ethnic Township (杏树朝鲜族乡)

Sipai Nani Ethnic Township (四排赫哲族乡)

Chengfu Korean and Manchu Ethnic Township (成富朝鲜族满族乡)

Xiangbai Manchu Ethnic Township (厢白满族乡)

Nianfeng Korean Ethnic Township (年丰朝鲜族乡)

Henan[edit]

Jinzhai Hui Ethnic Township (金寨回族乡)

Chanhe Hui Ethnic Township (瀍河回族乡)

Yuandian Hui Ethnic Township (袁店回族乡)

Guozhuang Hui Ethnic Township (郭庄回族乡)

Yaozhuang Hui Ethnic Township (姚庄回族乡)

Mazhuang Hui Ethnic Township (马庄回族乡)

Bodang Hui Ethnic Township (伯党回族乡)

Huji Hui Ethnic Township (胡集回族乡)

Shanhuo Hui Ethnic Township (山货回族乡)

Aizhuang Hui Ethnic Township (艾庄回族乡)

Caizhai Hui Ethnic Township (蔡寨回族乡)

Hubei[edit]

Hunan[edit]

Daqiao Yao Ethnic Township

Inner Mongolia[edit]

Enhe Russian Ethnic Township

Jiangsu[edit]

Lingtang Hui Ethnic Township (菱塘回族乡)

Jiangxi[edit]

She ethnic townships in Jiangxi

Shangrao Municipality[edit]

Taiyuan She-nation Ethnic Township (太源畲族乡) in Yanshan County

Huangbi She-nation Ethnic Township (篁碧畲族乡) in Yanshan County

Yingtan Municipality[edit]

Zhangping She-nation Ethnic Township (樟坪畲族乡) in Guixi City

Fuzhou Municipality[edit]

Jinzhu She-nation Ethnic Township (金竹畲族乡) in Le'an County

Ganzhou Municipality[edit]

Chitu She-nation Ethnic Township (赤土畲族乡) in Nankang City

Ji'an Municipality[edit]

Donggu She-nation Ethnic Township (东固畲族乡) in Qingyuan District

Longgang She-nation Ethnic Township (龙冈畲族乡) in Yongfeng County

Jinping Minority-nation Ethnic Township (金坪民族乡)[note 1] in Xiajiang County

Jilin[edit]

Shuangyingzi Hui Ethnic Township (双营子回族乡)

Hujia Hui Ethnic Township (胡家回族乡)

Mangka Manchu Ethnic Township (莽卡满族乡)

Yanhe Korean Ethnic Township (延和朝鲜族乡)

Xin'aili Mongol Ethnic Township (新艾里蒙古族乡)

Hulitu Mongol Ethnic Township (胡力吐蒙古族乡)

Huhecheli Mongol Ethnic Township (呼和车力蒙古族乡)

Xianghai Mongol Ethnic Township (向海蒙古族乡)

Baolawendu Mongol Ethnic Township (包拉温都蒙古族乡)

Hatuqi Mongol Ethnic Township (哈吐气蒙古族乡)

Momoge Mongol Ethnic Township (莫莫格蒙古族乡)

Wulajie Manchu Ethnic Town (乌拉街满族镇)

Wulin Korean Ethnic Township (乌林朝鲜族乡)

Sanhe Manchu and Korean Ethnic Township (三合满族朝鲜族乡)

Yehe Manchu Ethnic Town (叶赫满族镇)

Ershijiazi Manchu Ethnic Town (二十家子满族镇)

Fangmagou Manchu Ethnic Township (放马沟满族乡)

Namusi Mongol Ethnic Township (那木斯蒙古族乡)

Xiaoyang Manchu and Korean Ethnic Township (小杨满族朝鲜族乡)

Huayuan Korean Ethnic Township (花园朝鲜族乡)

Liangshui Korean Ethnic Township (凉水朝鲜族乡)

Loujie Korean Ethnic Township (楼街朝鲜族乡)

Jiangjiadian Korean Ethnic Township (姜家店朝鲜族乡)

Daquanyuan Manchu and Korean Ethnic Township (大泉源满族朝鲜族乡)

Jindou Korean and Manchu Ethnic Township (金斗朝鲜族满族乡)

Yangbaozi Manchu Ethnic Township (杨泡子满族乡)

Liaoning[edit]

Mantang Manchu Ethnic Township (满堂满族乡)

Sijiazi Mongol Ethnic Township (四家子蒙古族乡)

Shajintai Mongol and Manchu Ethnic Township (沙金台蒙古族满族乡)

Liushutun Mongol and Manchu Ethnic Township (柳树屯蒙古族满族乡)

Dongsheng Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (东升满族蒙古族乡)

Xiguantun Manchu and Mongol Ethnic Township (西关屯满族蒙古族乡)

Qidingshan Manchu Ethnic Township (七顶山满族民族乡)

Santai Manchu Ethnic Township (三台满族乡)

Yangjia Manchu Ethnic Township (杨家满族乡)

Guiyunhua Manchu Ethnic Township (桂云花满族乡)

Taiping Manchu Ethnic Township (太平岭满族乡)

Sishanling Manchu Ethnic Township (思山岭满族乡)

Yahe Korean Ethnic Township (雅河朝鲜族乡)

Liangshuihe Mongol Ethnic Township (凉水河蒙古族乡)

Mayouying Manchu Ethnic Township (马友营蒙古族乡)

Sanjiazi Mongol Ethnic Township (三家子蒙古族乡)

Sanjia Mongol Ethnic Township (三家蒙古族乡)

Dabao Mongol Ethnic Township (大堡蒙古族乡)

Helong Manchu Ethnic Township (合隆满族乡)

Xialuhe Korean Ethnic Township (下露河朝鲜族乡)

Lagu Manchu Ethnic Township (拉古满族乡)

Tangtu Manchu Ethnic Township (汤图满族乡)

Weizigou Mongol Ethnic Township (苇子沟蒙古族乡)

Erdaohezi Mongol Ethnic Township (二道河子蒙古族乡)

Xiliujiazi Mongol and Manchu Ethnic Township (西六家子蒙古族满族乡)

Daleng Mongol Ethnic Township (大冷蒙古族乡)

Dazhai Manchu Ethnic Township (大寨满族乡)

Sandaogou Manchu Ethnic Township (三道沟满族乡)

Yuantaizi Manchu Ethnic Township (元台子满族乡)

Baita Manchu Ethnic Township (白塔满族乡)

Jiumen Manchu Ethnic Township (旧门满族乡)

Yang'an Manchu Ethnic Township (羊安满族乡)

Liutaizi Manchu Ethnic Township (刘台子满族乡)

Hongyazi Manchu Ethnic Township (红崖子满族乡)

Nandashan Manchu Ethnic Township (南大山满族乡)

Yaowang Manchu Ethnic Township (药王满族乡)

Gaojialing Manchu Ethnic Township (高家岭满族乡)

Haibin Manchu Ethnic Township (海滨满族乡)

Wanghai Manchu Ethnic Township (望海满族乡)

Jianchang Manchu Ethnic Township (碱厂满族乡)

Weizhan Manchu Ethnic Township (围屏满族乡)

Erdaowanzi Mongol Ethnic Township (二道弯子蒙古族乡)

Xipingpo Manchu Ethnic Township (西平坡满族乡)

Gejia Manchu Ethnic Township (葛家满族乡)

Gaodianzi Manchu Ethnic Township (高甸子满族乡)

Fanjia Manchu Ethnic Township (范家满族乡)

Wanghu Manchu Ethnic Township (网户满族乡)

Mingshui Manchu Ethnic Township (明水满族乡)

Wendilou Manchu Ethnic Township (温滴楼满族乡)

Toutai Manchu Ethnic Township (头台满族乡)

Dadingbao Manchu Ethnic Township (大定堡满族乡)

Waziyu Manchu Ethnic Township (瓦子峪满族乡)

Toudaohe Manchu Ethnic Township (头道河满族乡)

Dicangsi Manchu Ethnic Township (地藏寺满族乡)

Chengguan Manchu Ethnic Township (城关满族乡)

Liulonggou Manchu Ethnic Township (留龙沟满族乡)

Juliangtun Manchu Ethnic Township (聚粮屯满族乡)

Tianshui Manchu Ethnic Township (甜水满族乡)

Jidongyu Manchu Ethnic Township (吉洞峪满族乡)

Niejia Manchu Ethnic Township (聂家满族乡)

Shangbadi Manchu Ethnic Township (上肥地满族乡)

Xiabadi Manchu Ethnic Township (下肥地满族乡)

Huangqizhai Manchu Ethnic Township (黄旗寨满族乡)

Linfeng Manchu Ethnic Township (林丰满族乡)

Hengdaohezi Manchu Ethnic Township (横道河子满族乡)

Baiqizhai Manchu Ethnic Township (白旗寨满族乡)

Mingde Manchu Ethnic Township (明德满族乡)

Dexing Manchu Ethnic Township (德兴满族乡)

Chengping Manchu Ethnic Township (成平满族乡)

Helong Manchu Ethnic Township (和隆满族乡)

Yingchang Manchu Ethnic Township (营厂满族乡)

Jinxing Manchu Township (金星满族乡)

Ningxia[edit]

Qinghai[edit]

Shaanxi[edit]

Maoping Hui Ethnic Town (茅坪回族镇)

Xikou Hui Ethnic Town [zh] (西口回族镇)

Shandong[edit]

Houji Hui Ethnic Town (侯集回族镇)

Shanghai[edit]

none

Shanxi[edit]

none

Sichuan[edit]

Taiwan[edit]

The PRC has claimed Taiwan and Penghu as part of its territory and there are no ethnic townships in this region. See Indigenous Areas of the Republic of China (Taiwan) for details.

Tianjin[edit]

Sungezhuang Manchu Ethnic Township (孙各庄满族乡)

Tibet[edit]

Within the Tibet Autonomous Region there are eight ethnic townships (མི་རིགས་ཤང་ mi-rigs shang 民族乡 mínzúxiāng), five belonging to the Monpa ethnicity (མོན་པ་/ mon pa /门巴/ Ménbā) and three belonging to the Lhopa ethnicity (ལྷོ་པ་/ lho-pa/ 珞巴/ Luòbā).

Five of these are under Shannan/Lhokha Prefecture:

Under མཚོ་སྣ་རྫོང་/ mtsho-sna rdzong/ 错那县/ Cuònà Xiàn

1) Le Monpa སླས་མོན་པ་ slas mon-pa 勒门巴族乡 Lēi Ménbāzú xiāng

2) Kongri Monpa ཀོང་རི་མོན་པ་ kong-ri mon-pa 贡日门巴族乡 Gòngrì Ménbāzú xiāng

3) Kyipa Monpa སྐྱིད་པ་མོན་པ་ skyid-pa mon-pa 吉巴门巴族乡 Jíbā Ménbāzú xiāng

4) Marmang Monpa མར་མང་མོན་པ་ mar-mang mon-pa 麻玛门巴族乡 Mámă Ménbāzú xiāng

Under ལྷུན་རྩེ་རྫོང་/ lhun-rtse rdzong/ 隆子县/ Lóngzǐ Xiàn

5) Doyul Lhopa མདོ་ཡུལ་ལྷོ་པ་ mdo-yul lho-pa 斗玉珞巴族乡 Dòuyù Luòbāzú xiāng

Three of these are under Nyingchi Prefecture:

Under མེ་ཏོག་རྫོང་/ me-tog rdzong/ 墨脱县/ Mòtuō Xiàn

6) Takmo Lhopa སྟག་མོ་ལྷོ་པ་ stag-mo lho-pa 达木珞巴族乡 Dámù Luòbāzú xiāng

Under སྨན་གླིང་རྗོང་/ sman-gling rdzong/ 米林县/ Mǐlín Xiàn

7) Neyul Lhopa གནས་ཡུལ་ལྷོ་པ་ gnas-yul lho-pa 南伊珞巴族乡 Nányī Luòbāzú xiāng

Under བྲག་ཡིབ་ཆུས་/ brag-yib chus/ 巴宜区/ Bāyí Qū

8) Guntshang Monpa དགུན་ཚང་མོན་པ་ dgun-tshang mon-pa 更章门巴民族乡 Gèngzhāng Ménbā mínzú xiāng

Xinjiang[edit]

Yunnan[edit]

Major Autonomous areas within Yunnan. (excluding Hui)

Zhejiang[edit]

She ethnic county, townships and towns in Zhejiang

Eshan She Ethnic Township (莪山畲族乡)

Shuiting She Ethnic Township (水亭畲族乡)

Liucheng She Ethnic Town (柳城畲族镇)

Laozhu She Ethnic Town (老竹畲族镇)

Lixin She Ethnic Township (丽新畲族乡)

Zhuyang She Ethnic Township (竹垟畲族乡)

Banqiao She Ethnic Township (板桥畲族乡)

Sanren She Ethnic Township (三仁畲族乡)

Wuxi She Ethnic Township (雾溪畲族乡)

Anxi She Ethnic Township (安溪畲族乡)

Shujian She Ethnic Township (沐尘畲族乡)

Fengyang She Ethnic Township (凤阳畲族乡)

Dailing She Ethnic Township (岱岭畲族乡)

Qingjie She Ethnic Township (青街畲族乡)

Siqian She Ethnic Town (司前畲族镇)

Zhuli She Ethnic Township (竹里畲族乡)

Xikeng She Ethnic Town (西坑畲族镇)

Zhoushan She Ethnic Township (周山畲族乡)

Maps[edit]

Ethnic townships in Liupanshui except Liuzhi. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao. Dark green - Bouyei

Ethnic townships in Bijie. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao. Dark green - Bouyei

Ethnic townships in South-Eastern Hunan. Blue - Yao.

Ethnic townships in South Sichuan: Yibin and Luzhou. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao.

Ethnic townships in Central Sichuan Ya'an and Garzê. Light green - Yi. Red - Tibetan.

Ethnic townships in Sichuan Mianyang. Purple - Qiang. Red - Tibetan.

Ethnic townships in Yunnan Zhenxiong. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao.

Ethnic townships in Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao.

Ethnic townships in Yunnan Qujing. Light green - Yi. Blue - Miao. Red - Zhuang. Dark green - Bouyei. Yellow - Shui

Notes[edit]

^ Est. 2008, Jinping is home to eight minority nations, living in 19 designated villages (村, cun). The township as a whole cannot be said to be expressly for the She. In all, Jiangxi Province has 56 She villages in non-She-nation townships.

References[edit]

^ Constitution of the People's Republic of China, Article 95

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Ethnic_townships,_towns,_and_sums&oldid=1199153204"

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Chinese Culture

Chinese Ethnic Groups

China's Top Minority Cities

Written by Candice SongUpdated Nov. 16, 2023

China officially has 55 ethnic minorities, and one majority, the Han Chinese. The ethnic peoples are concentrated in the south, west, and remoter northern regions of China.

Cities are more heavily populated by Han Chinese than the surrounding countryside, even in minority autonomous regions, so most minority attractions and the purest ethnic culture is usually found outside the cities. Therefore "cities" here usually refers to the prefecture associated with the city.

Below are China's top eight minority cities, chosen for their accessibility to tourists, and range of minorities represented.

1. Kaili

Location: Southeast Guizhou Province, South China

Minorities: Miao, Dong, and others

Kaili is the minority capital of China. It is known as "the city of festivals" because of the more than 100 festivals held each year, mostly by the Miao minority. The most famous is probably the Sisters Meals Festival. Kaili has many Miao villages open to tourists. There is also an Ethnic Minorities Museum.

2. Lhasa

Location: Tibet, West China

Minority: Tibetan

Key Tibetan Festivals: Tibetan New Year or Losar (March), Shoton Festival (late August).

Lhasa is truly a minority city. Capital of the roof of the world and center of Tibetan culture, Lhasa's Potala Palace, and the Dalai Lama who lived there, once represented the supreme authority for this people group. Now part of China, Tibet exists as an Autonomous Region still governed from Lhasa. The temples and monasteries around Lhasa are the most important for Tibetan Buddhists.

3. Xishuangbanna

Location:Southern Yunnan Province, South China

Minorities: Dai, Hani

Xishuangbanna is China's most rainforested prefecture, bordering Myanmar and Laos. Its tropical lush environment supports the Dai and Hani peoples, who make up about 30% and 20% of the local population respectively. There are several Dai minority attractions including Manting Park and the Octagonal Pavilion. The Dai Water Splashing Festival is held April 13–15.

4. Guilin (including Longsheng and Yangshuo)

Location: Northeast Guangxi, Southern China

Minorities: Zhuang, Yao, Dong, Miao

The city of Guilin is mostly Han-ized, but Guilin's famous karst countryside has been the traditional home of China's largest minority, the Zhuang, for centuries. There are several designated Yao minority districts, and Gongcheng is a Yao County, famous for its oil tea.

Yangshuo's countryside, particularly along the popular cycling routes, is populated by Zhuang farmers. The legendary Zhuang "Song Fairy", Liu's Third Daughter, is honored to the point of worship by some. Her statue is paraded during the Zhuang Song Festival in April, and her story is told in the on-river show Impression Liu Sanjie, which also features other minority songs.

Then there is Longsheng, known for its Dragon's Back Rice Terraces, where the long-haired women of the Red Yao live. Their Red Clothes Festival is in April. The Zhuang of nearby 'Safe and Sound' Village have kept more of their costume and customs than those of Yangshuo. Further into the Longsheng mountains are Dong and Miao villages.

5. Lijiang

Location: West Yunnan Province, South China

Minorities: Naxi, Tibetan, Bai, Yi

Lijiang in the tall mountains of the Yangtze Upper Reaches is home to several minorities. Lijiang Ancient Town, Shuhe Ancient Town, Baisha Old Town, and Dongba Village display traditional Naxi architecture and are showcases for the culture of the Naxi people. Discover the Mosuo people of Lugu Lake, and further up into the mountains are Tibetan, Bai, and Yi peoples.

6. Hohhot

Location: Central Inner Mongolia, Central North China

Minorities: Mongol, Hui, Manchu

Hohhot is the capital of Inner Mongolia. While it is not the most ethnic city (only 13% minority people), it is the most accessible city with Mongol culture. The grasslands of Hohhot Prefecture are the place to see the nomadic pastoral lifestyle of the Mongols. Naadam, the Mongolian outdoor sports festival is celebrated in July/August on these grasslands. Mongol food is highly recommended.

7. Kunming

Location: Central Yunnan Province, South China

Minorities: Yi, Hui, Bai, Miao, Lisu, Zhuang, Dai, Hani, Naxi, and others

Kunming is truly a minority city with all of Yunnan's 25 ethnic minorities represented, although 80% of the city population are Han. To get an impression of the variety of peoples living in Yunnan we recommend you see Yunnan Ethnic Village, a convenient way to experience many Chinese ethnic cultures without having to journey to a remote location.

8. Turpan

Location: East Xinjiang, Northwest China

Minorities: Uygur, Kazakhs, Hui, and Kirghiz

Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has the greatest number of minorities of any Chinese region. The majority are Turkic/ Central Asian and Muslim in origin, like the Uygur, Kazakhs, Hui, and Kirghiz. Outside Urumqi, most Xinjiang cities are predominantly ethnic. Turpan is one of the more accessible of these. Visit Grape Valley to get in amongst Uygur culture, and for Uygur-style architecture see Emin Minaret.

Other Minority Cities

Some minorities have autonomous regions set aside for them, so if you are interested in these minorities, just go to the cities in their region.

Zhuang: The Zhuang are concentrated north of Nanning, around Liuzhou, and in Central, North, and West Guangxi and surrounding provinces.

Hui: Ningxia is a small region set aside for the Hui people, but the Hui are China's most widely spread minority, and can be found in every province and all the large cities. Just look for the mosques.

Uygurs: The Uygurs' autonomous region is Xinjiang, Northwest China.

Mongols: Chinese Mongols mainly live in Inner Mongolia.

Tibetans: All cities in Tibet could be called minority cities as Tibetans and their culture predominate wherever you go in Tibet.

We also recommend the following cities for their minority attractions and popularity with tourists: Shigatse, Dingri (Shannan), and Shangri-la (Diqing) for Tibetan culture; Dali for Tibetan and Bai culture; Kashgar and Urumqi, for Uygur and other Muslim peoples; Kanas, Erdos, and Hulunbuir, for Mongol grassland culture; Sanjiang for Dong culture; and Fenghuang for Sanjiang Miao Village.

Explore China's Minority Culture

Yao people in Guilin

If you are interested in the colorful minority culture and want to explore it by yourself, please see the tours below for inspiration:

6-Day Guizhou Ethnic Minorities Festival Tour

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Top 10 Yunnan Ancient Towns: The Best Yunnan Ethnic VillagesTop 10 Yunnan Ethnic Ancient Towns & Villages

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Top 10 Yunnan Ethnic Ancient Towns & Villages

Located in the plateau, Yunnan boasts the breath-taking scenery and unparalleled ancient towns & villages, and splendid local ethnic cultures. Human settlements could be found in many flatlands hidden in pleasant environments, which have gradually grown into those beautiful towns. Due to the lack of transportation and later development, many ancient towns there, fortunately, get well preserved, plus the wonderful views and harmonious living environment among local people, attracting endless people to escape there for a break from the busy city life.

China Joy Tour picked out the top 10 ancient towns or villages to provide you an angle to catch a glimpse of Yunnan’s ethnic villages. Let’s have a look now!

Yunnan Ancient Town

No. 1 Shuhe Ancient Town

Shuhe Ancient Town has so many titles: one of the earliest settlements of old Naxi people, the best-preserved important town on the Ancient Tea Horse Road, the living specimen that shows Naxi minority’s transition from farming civilization to the commercial civilization, the paragon of the opening-up to the outside world and the forming of the Horse Caravan’s activities. It’s an important part of Lijiang Ancient Town which is listed on the World Cultural Heritage by UNESCO.

Shuhe Ancient Town

No. 2 Xizhou Ancient Town of Dali

Xizhou is about 34km away from Dali Ancient Town with history more than 1,000 years. It connects Erhai Lake at the east end and lies against Cangshan Mountain at the west end. Strolling on the peaceful streets here, your eyes will be dazzled by the well-preserved local dwellings in Bai Minority’s features, Xizhou Baba (a famous local food), Tie-dyeing activities, and even the local’s daily life.

Xizhou Ancient Town

No. 3 Shuanglang Ancient Town of Dali

Shuanglang is the first town to appreciate the scenery of Erhai Lake and Cangshan Mountain. With less commercial erosion here, Shuanglang Ancient Town still keeps the local folk culture and customs. Sitting on the bench at Erhai Lake, soaking yourself into the gentle sunset, listening to the cozy music from the beautiful bars, nothing could be as enjoyable as this!

Shuanglang Ancient Town

No. 4 Dayan Ancient Town

Dayan Ancient Town, also famed as “Lijiang Ancient City”, is listed on the World Cultural Heritage by UNESCO and AAAAA National Scenic Area in China, also rated as one of “Six Most Beautiful Ancient Towns & Villages in China”. It’s especially popular among young peoples with 2 loud titles: the Capital of Affair Encounter and Modern Utopia. Special bars, love songs, various musical instruments, young girls, and boys in beautiful dresses could be seen everywhere in Dayan Ancient Town.

Lijiang Ancient Town

No. 5 Shaxi Ancient Town

Shaxi is a time-honored town with history traced back to the Spring and Autumn Period, about 2,400 years ago. The famous ancient Tea Horse Road had taken Shazi as one of the important stations. It seems to be forgotten today that fewer tourists visit here to allow the ancient town, fortunately, keeps its original folk cultures. Surprises about the cultural discovery happen everywhere if you have time to explore Shaxi deeply.

Shaxi Ancient Town

No. 6 Baisha Ancient Town

Baisha Ancient Town is one of the important cradles of Naxi Minority. You can stroll around to explore the original Naxi culture and enjoy the cozy time in the peaceful old town by sitting at the street stroll to have a cup of tea. And when you look up, you can see the majestic Yulong Snow Mountain.

Baisha Ancient Town

No. 7 Shigu Ancient Town

Shigu Ancient Town locates at about 28km away from the west of the Lijiang Ancient Town where Jinsha River and Chongjiang River meet, and the famous the First Bend of the Yangtze River lies. It has been always a important strategic place in the past, therefore we can discover many historic relics here.

Shigu Ancient Town

The First Bend of Yangtze River

No. 8 Dukezong Ancient Town

Dukezong Ancient Town is the largest and best-preserved Tibetan population in China and also a very important station along the Ancient Tea Horse Road. Besides, walking up to the top of Guishan Hill to appreciate the typical Tibetan style view—Prayer Wheel. From there, you will have a bird-view of Shangri-La county and Duzekong Ancient Town.

Dukezong Ancient Town

No. 9 Heshun Ancient Town

Located about 3km away from the west of Tengchong City, Heshun is probably the ancient town closest to the borderline in China. Heshun earns its fame mainly because of the long history as a home town of overseas Chinese. There are about 1,300 families, 6,000 people living in the old dwelling houses featured in Ming and Qing’s architectural styles. From the ancient buildings to old paper-making activities, yummy local foods, and winding rivers, you will be totally immersive in a life-time escape here.

Heshun Ancient Town

No. 10 Guandu Ancient Town

As we knew, each city of Yunnan has its ancient town, like the Ancient Town of Dali, Dayan Ancient Town of Lijiang, and Guandu Ancient Town of Kunming. Guandu Ancient Town is one of the cradles of ancient Dian culture (Yunnan culture) where the historic relics and ancient buildings could be seen everywhere. Enter the town from its south gate and then start your exploration to Guandu in the leisure walking and stopping…

Guandu Ancient Town

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Chinatown - Wikipedia

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(Top)

1Definition

2History

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2.1In Asia

2.2Outside of Asia

2.31970s to the present

3Chinese settlements

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3.1History

3.2Settlement pattern

4Characteristics

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4.1Demographics

4.2Town-Scape

5Benevolent and business associations

6Names

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6.1English

6.2In Chinese

6.3Other languages

7Locations

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7.1Africa

7.2America

7.3Asia

7.4Australia and Oceania

7.5Europe

8In popular culture

9Some notable temples in Chinatowns worldwide

10See also

11References

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11.1Citations

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12Further reading

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ethnic enclave of expatriate Chinese persons

"Little China" redirects here. For the ideology, see Little China (ideology).

For other uses, see Chinatown (disambiguation).

ChinatownNew York's Manhattan Chinatown has the highest concentration of Chinese people outside of Asia.[1][2][3]Chinese唐人街Literal meaning"Tang people street"TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu PinyinTángrénjiēWade–GilesTʻang2-jên2-chieh1WuRomanizationDaon平 nin平 ka平Yue: CantoneseYale RomanizationTòhngyàhngāaiJyutpingTong4 jan4 gaai1Southern MinHokkien POJTông-jîn-keEastern MinFuzhou BUCTòng-ìng-kĕAlternative Chinese nameTraditional Chinese中國城Simplified Chinese中国城Literal meaning"China-town"TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu PinyinZhōngguóchéngWade–GilesChung1-kuo2-chʻêng2WuRomanizationTson平 koh入 zen平Yue: CantoneseYale RomanizationJūnggwoksìhngJyutpingZung1 gwok3 sing4Southern MinHokkien POJTiong-kok-siânnEastern MinFuzhou BUCDŭng-guók-siàngSecond alternative Chinese nameTraditional Chinese華埠Simplified Chinese华埠Literal meaning"Chinese district"TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu PinyinHuábùWade–GilesHua2-pu4WuRomanizationGho平 bu去Yue: CantoneseYale RomanizationWàhfauhJyutpingWaa4 fau6Southern MinHokkien POJHôa-búEastern MinFuzhou BUCHuà-pú

Chinatowns

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Chinatown (Chinese: 唐人街) is the catch-all name for an ethnic enclave of Chinese people located outside Greater China, most often in an urban setting. Areas known as "Chinatown" exist throughout the world, including Europe, Asia, Africa, Oceania, and the Americas.

The development of most Chinatowns typically resulted from human migration to an area without any or with few Chinese residents. Binondo in Manila, established in 1594, is recognized as the world's oldest Chinatown. Notable early examples outside Asia include San Francisco's Chinatown in the United States and Melbourne's Chinatown in Australia, which were founded in the early 1850s during the California and Victoria gold rushes, respectively. A more modern example, in Montville, Connecticut, was caused by the displacement of Chinese workers in New York's Manhattan Chinatown following the September 11th attacks in 2001.[4][5]

Definition[edit]

Oxford Dictionaries defines "Chinatown" as "... a district of any non-Asian town, especially a city or seaport, in which the population is predominantly of Chinese origin".[6] However, some Chinatowns may have little to do with China.[7] Some "Vietnamese" enclaves are in fact a city's "second Chinatown", and some Chinatowns are in fact pan-Asian, meaning they could also be counted as a Koreatown or Little India.[8] One example includes Asiatown in Cleveland, Ohio. It was initially referred to as a Chinatown but was subsequently renamed due to the influx of non-Chinese Asian Americans who opened businesses there. Today the district acts as a unifying factor for the Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean, Japanese, Filipino, Indian, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian, Nepalese and Thai communities of Cleveland.[9]

Further ambiguities with the term can include Chinese ethnoburbs which by definition are "... suburban ethnic clusters of residential areas and business districts in large metropolitan areas[10][11] An article in The New York Times blurs the line further by categorizing very different Chinatowns such as Chinatown, Manhattan, which exists in an urban setting as "traditional"; Monterey Park's Chinatown, which exists in a "suburban" setting (and labeled as such); and Austin, Texas's Chinatown, which is in essence a "fabricated" Chinese-themed mall. This contrasts with narrower definitions, where the term only described Chinatown in a city setting.[12]

History[edit]

See also: Chinese emigration

Trading centers populated predominantly by Chinese men and their native spouses have long existed throughout Southeast Asia. Emigration to other parts of the world from China accelerated in the 1860s with the signing of the Treaty of Peking (1860), which opened China's borders to free movement. Early emigrants came primarily from the coastal provinces of Guangdong (Canton, Kwangtung) and Fujian (Fukien, Hokkien) in southeastern China – where the people generally speak Toishanese, Cantonese, Hakka, Teochew (Chiuchow) and Hokkien. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, a significant amount of Chinese emigration to North America originated from four counties called Sze Yup, located west of the Pearl River Delta in Guangdong province, making Toishanese a dominant variety of the Chinese language spoken in Chinatowns in Canada and the United States.

As conditions in China have improved in recent decades, many Chinatowns have lost their initial mission, which was to provide a transitional place into a new culture. As net migration has slowed into them, the smaller Chinatowns have slowly decayed, often to the point of becoming purely historical and no longer serving as ethnic enclaves.[13]

In Asia[edit]

Binondo, Manila, home to the world's oldest Chinatown

In the Spanish Philippines, where the oldest surviving Chinatowns are located, the district where Chinese migrants (sangleyes) were required to live is called a parián, which were also often a marketplace for trade goods. Most of them were established in the late 16th century to house Chinese migrants as part of the early Spanish colonial policy of ethnic segregation. There were numerous pariáns throughout the Philippines in various locations, the names of which still survive into modern district names. This include the Parián de Arroceros of Intramuros, Manila (which was eventually moved several times, ending up in Binondo). The term was also carried into Latin America by Filipino migrants.[14][15][16] The central market place of Mexico City (now part of Zócalo) selling imported goods from the Manila galleons in the 18th and early 19th centuries was called "Parián de Manila" (or just "Parián").[17]

Along the coastal areas of Southeast Asia, several Chinese settlements existed as early as the 16th century according to Zheng He and Tomé Pires' travel accounts. Melaka during the Portuguese colonial period, for instance, had a large Chinese population in Campo China. They settled down at port towns under the authority's approval for trading. After the European colonial powers seized and ruled the port towns in the 16th century, Chinese supported European traders and colonists, and created autonomous settlements.

Several Asian Chinatowns, although not yet called by that name, have a long history. Those in Nagasaki, Kobe, and Yokohama, Japan,[18] Binondo in Manila, Hoi An and Bao Vinh in central Vietnam[19] all existed in 1600. Glodok, the Chinese quarter of Jakarta, Indonesia, dates to 1740.[20]

Chinese presence in India dates back to the 5th century CE, with the first recorded Chinese settler in Calcutta named Young Atchew around 1780.[21] Chinatowns first appeared in the Indian cities of Kolkata, Mumbai, and Chennai.

The Chinatown centered on Yaowarat Road in Bangkok, Thailand, was founded at the same time as the city itself, in 1782.[22]

Outside of Asia[edit]

Chinatown, Melbourne is the longest continuous Chinese settlement in the Western World and the oldest Chinatown in the Southern Hemisphere.[23][24][25][26] Many Chinese immigrants arrived in Liverpool in the late 1850s in the employ of the Blue Funnel Shipping Line, a cargo transport company established by Alfred Holt. The commercial shipping line created strong trade links between the cities of Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Liverpool, mainly in the importation of silk, cotton, and tea.[27] They settled near the docks in south Liverpool, this area was heavily bombed during World War II, causing the Chinese community moving to the current location Liverpool Chinatown on Nelson Street.

The Chinatown in San Francisco is one of the largest in North America and the oldest north of Mexico. It served as a port of entry for early Chinese immigrants from the 1850s to the 1900s.[28] The area was the one geographical region deeded by the city government and private property owners which allowed Chinese persons to inherit and inhabit dwellings within the city. Many Chinese found jobs working for large companies seeking a source of labor, most famously as part of the Central Pacific[29] on the Transcontinental Railroad. Since it started in Omaha, that city had a notable Chinatown for almost a century.[30] Other cities in North America where Chinatowns were founded in the mid-nineteenth century include almost every major settlement along the West Coast from San Diego to Victoria. Other early immigrants worked as mine workers or independent prospectors hoping to strike it rich during the 1849 Gold Rush.

Economic opportunity drove the building of further Chinatowns in the United States. The initial Chinatowns were built in the Western United States in states such as California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, Colorado and Arizona. As the transcontinental railroad was built, more Chinatowns started to appear in railroad towns such as St. Louis, Chicago, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh and Butte, Montana. Chinatowns then subsequently emerged in many East Coast cities, including New York City, Boston, Philadelphia, Providence and Baltimore. With the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation, many southern states such as Arkansas, Louisiana and Georgia began to hire Chinese for work in place of slave labor.[31]

The history of Chinatowns was not always peaceful, especially when labor disputes arose. Racial tensions flared when lower-paid Chinese workers replaced white miners in many mountain-area Chinatowns, such as in Wyoming with the Rock Springs Massacre. Many of these frontier Chinatowns became extinct as American racism surged and the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed.

In Australia, the Victorian gold rush, which began in 1851, attracted Chinese prospectors from the Guangdong area. A community began to form in the eastern end of Little Bourke Street, Melbourne by the mid-1850s; the area is still the center of the Melbourne Chinatown, making it the oldest continuously occupied Chinatown in a western city (since the San Francisco one was destroyed and rebuilt). Gradually expanding, it reached a peak in the early 20th century, with Chinese business, mainly furniture workshops, occupying a block wide swath of the city, overlapping into the adjacent 'Little Lon' red light district. With restricted immigration it shrunk again, becoming a strip of Chinese restaurants by the late 1970s, when it was celebrated with decorative arches. However, with a recent huge influx of students from mainland China, it is now the center of a much larger area of noodle shops, travel agents, restaurants, and groceries. The Australian gold rushes also saw the development of a Chinatown in Sydney, at first around The Rocks, near the docks, but it has moved twice, first in the 1890s to the east side of the Haymarket area, near the new markets, then in the 1920s concentrating on the west side.[32] Nowadays, Sydney's Chinatown is centered on Dixon Street.

Other Chinatowns in European capitals, including Paris and London, were established at the turn of the 20th century. The first Chinatown in London was located in the Limehouse area of the East End of London[33] at the start of the 20th century. The Chinese population engaged in business which catered to the Chinese sailors who frequented the Docklands. The area acquired a bad reputation from exaggerated reports of opium dens and slum housing.

France received a large settlement of Chinese immigrant laborers, mostly from the city of Wenzhou, in the Zhejiang province of China. Significant Chinatowns sprung up in Belleville and the 13th arrondissement of Paris.

Manhattan's Chinatown, the largest concentration of Chinese people in the Western Hemisphere[1][2] and one of nine Chinatown neighborhoods in New York City,[3] as well as one of twelve in the surrounding New York metropolitan area

Brooklyn, the borough with the highest number of Chinatowns in New York City

Chinatown, San Francisco, the oldest Chinatown in the US

Chinatown, Boston, a Chinatown inspired and developed on the basis of modern engineering concepts

Chinatown, Philadelphia, the recipient of significant Chinese immigration from both New York City[34] and China[35]

Liverpool's Chinatown, the oldest Chinatown in Europe

1970s to the present[edit]

By the late 1970s, refugees and exiles from the Vietnam War played a significant part in the redevelopment of Chinatowns in developed Western countries. As a result, many existing Chinatowns have become pan-Asian business districts and residential neighborhoods. By contrast, most Chinatowns in the past had been largely inhabited by Chinese from southeastern China.

In 2001, the events of September 11 resulted in a mass migration of about 14,000 Chinese workers from Manhattan's Chinatown to Montville, Connecticut, due to the fall of the garment industry. Chinese workers transitioned to casino jobs fueled by the development of the Mohegan Sun casino.

In 2012, Tijuana's Chinatown formed as a result of availability of direct flights to China. The La Mesa District of Tijuana was formerly a small enclave, but has tripled in size as a result of direct flights to Shanghai. It has an ethnic Chinese population rise from 5,000 in 2009 to roughly 15,000 in 2012, overtaking Mexicali's Chinatown as the largest Chinese enclave in Mexico.

The busy intersection of Main Street and Roosevelt Avenue in the Flushing Chinatown (法拉盛華埠), Downtown Flushing, Queens, New York City. The segment of Main Street between Kissena Boulevard and Roosevelt Avenue, punctuated by the Long Island Rail Road trestle overpass, represents the cultural heart of Flushing Chinatown. Housing over 30,000 individuals born in China alone, the largest by this metric outside Asia, Flushing has become home to the largest and one of the fastest-growing Chinatowns in the world.[36] Flushing is undergoing rapid gentrification by Chinese transnational entities,[37] and the growth of the business activity at the core of Downtown Flushing, dominated by the Flushing Chinatown, has continued despite the Covid-19 pandemic.[38] As of 2023, illegal Chinese immigration to New York City, and especially to the city's Flushing Chinatown, has accelerated.[39]

The New York metropolitan area, consisting of New York City, Long Island, and nearby areas within the states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania, is home to the largest Chinese-American population of any metropolitan area within the United States and the largest Chinese population outside of China, enumerating an estimated 893,697 in 2017,[40] and including at least 12 Chinatowns, including nine in New York City proper alone.[3] Steady immigration from mainland China, both legal[41][42] and illegal,[43] has fueled Chinese-American population growth in the New York metropolitan area. New York's status as an alpha global city, its extensive mass transit system, and the New York metropolitan area's enormous economic marketplace are among the many reasons it remains a major international immigration hub. The Manhattan Chinatown contains the largest concentration of ethnic Chinese in the Western hemisphere,[2] and the Flushing Chinatown in Queens has become the world's largest Chinatown.[44]

The COVID-19 pandemic has adversely affected tourism and business in Chinatown, San Francisco[45] and Chinatown, Chicago, Illinois[46] as well as others worldwide.

Chinese settlements[edit]

History[edit]

People of Fujian province used to move over the South China Sea from the 14th century to look for more stable jobs, in most cases of trading and fishery, and settled down near the port/jetty under approval of the local authority such as Magong (Penghu), Hoian (Vietnam), Songkla (Thailand), Malacca (Malaysia), Banten, Semarang, Tuban (Indonesia), Manila (the Philippines), etc. A large number of this kind of settlements was developed along the coastal areal of the South China Sea, and was called "Campon China" by Portuguese account[47] and "China Town" by English account.[48]

Settlement pattern[edit]

The settlement was developed along a jetty and protected by Mazu temple, which was dedicated for the Goddess of Sea for safe sailing. Market place was open in front of Mazu temple, and shophouses were built along the street leading from west side of the Mazu temple. At the end of the street, Tudigong (Land God) temple was placed. As the settlement prospered as commercial town, Kuan Ti temple would be added for commercial success, especially by people from Hong Kong and Guangdong province. This core pattern was maintained even the settlement got expanded as a city, and forms historical urban center of the Southeast Asia.[49]

Hoian Settlement Pattern, Vietnam, 1991

Pengchau Settlement Pattern, Hong Kong, 1991

Chinese Settlement in Georgetown, Malaysia, 1991

Chinese Settlement in Kuching, Malaysia, 1991

Tin Hau (Goddess of Sea) Temple in Kuching, Malaysia, 1991

To Di Gong (Land God) Temple at Kuching, 1991

Characteristics[edit]

The features described below are characteristic of many modern Chinatowns.

Demographics[edit]

The early Chinatowns such as those in San Francisco and Los Angeles in the United States were naturally destinations for people of Chinese descent as migration were the result of opportunities such as the California Gold Rush and the Transcontinental Railroad drawing the population in, creating natural Chinese enclaves that were almost always 100% exclusively Han Chinese, which included both people born in China and in the enclave, in this case American-born Chinese.[50] In some free countries such as the United States and Canada, housing laws that prevent discrimination also allows neighborhoods that may have been characterized as "All Chinese" to also allow non-Chinese to reside in these communities. For example, the Chinatown in Philadelphia has a sizeable non-Chinese population residing within the community.[51]

A recent study also suggests that the demographic change is also driven by gentrification of what were previously Chinatown neighborhoods. The influx of luxury housing is speeding up the gentrification of such neighborhoods. The trend for emergence of these types of natural enclaves is on the decline (with the exceptions being the continued growth and emergence of newer Chinatowns in Queens and Brooklyn in New York City), only to be replaced by newer "Disneyland-like" attractions, such as a new Chinatown that will be built in the Catskills region of New York.[52] This includes the endangerment of existing historical Chinatowns that will eventually stop serving the needs of Chinese immigrants.

Newer developments like those in Norwich, Connecticut, and the San Gabriel Valley, which are not necessarily considered "Chinatowns" in the sense that they do not necessarily contain the Chinese architectures or Chinese language signs as signatures of an officially sanctioned area that was designated either in law or signage stating so, differentiate areas that are called "Chinatowns" versus locations that have "significant" populations of people of Chinese descent. For example, San Jose, California in the United States has 63,434 people (2010 U.S. Census) of Chinese descent, and yet "does not have a Chinatown". Some "official" Chinatowns have Chinese populations much lower than that.[53]

Town-Scape[edit]

Main article: Chinese architecture

Many tourist-destination metropolitan Chinatowns can be distinguished by large red arch entrance structures known in Mandarin Chinese as Paifang (sometimes accompanied by imperial guardian lion statues on either side of the structure, to greet visitors). Other Chinese architectural styles such as the Chinese Garden of Friendship in Sydney Chinatown and the Chinese stone lions at the gate to the Victoria, British Columbia Chinatown are present in some Chinatowns. Mahale Chiniha, the Chinatown in Iran, contains many buildings that were constructed in the Chinese architectural style.

Paifangs usually have special inscriptions in Chinese. Historically, these gateways were donated to a particular city as a gift from the Republic of China and People's Republic of China, or local governments (such as Chinatown, San Francisco) and business organizations. The long-neglected Chinatown in Havana, Cuba, received materials for its paifang from the People's Republic of China as part of the Chinatown's gradual renaissance. Construction of these red arches is often financed by local financial contributions from the Chinatown community. Some of these structures span an entire intersection, and some are smaller in height and width. Some paifang can be made of wood, masonry or steel and may incorporate an elaborate or simple design.

Chinatown landmarks

Entrance to Sydney

Paifang in Philadelphia

Friendship Archway in the Chinatown of Washington, D.C.

Paifang in Buenos Aires, Argentina

Chinatown, Boston looking towards the paifang

Gate of Chinatown, Portland, Oregon

Chinatown entry arch in Newcastle, England

Chinese Garden of Friendship, part of Sydney Chinatown

Chinese stone lions at the Chinatown gate in Victoria, British Columbia, Canada

Harbin Gates in Chinatown of Edmonton, Alberta, Canada

Millennium Gate on Pender Street in Chinatown of Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada

The Chinese Cultural Center of Calgary, Alberta, Canada

Chinese Temple "Toong On Church" in Kolkata, India.

Chinese Temple in Yokohama Chinatown, Japan.

Filipino-Chinese Friendship Arch in Manila

Benevolent and business associations[edit]

Main article: Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association

Headquarters of the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association in Chinatown, San Francisco

A major component of many Chinatowns is the family benevolent association, which provides some degree of aid to immigrants. These associations generally provide social support, religious services, death benefits (members' names in Chinese are generally enshrined on tablets and posted on walls), meals, and recreational activities for ethnic Chinese, especially for older Chinese migrants. Membership in these associations can be based on members sharing a common Chinese surname or belonging to a common clan, spoken Chinese dialect, specific village, region or country of origin, and so on. Many have their own facilities.

Some examples include San Francisco's prominent Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (中華總會館 Zhōnghuá Zǒng Huìguǎn), aka Chinese Six Companies and Los Angeles' Southern California Teochew Association. The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association is among the largest umbrella groups of benevolent associations in the North America, which branches in several Chinatowns. Politically, the CCBA has traditionally been aligned with the Kuomintang and the Republic of China.

The London Chinatown Chinese Association is active in Chinatown, London. Chinatown, Paris has an institution in the Association des Résidents en France d'origine indochinoise and it servicing overseas Chinese immigrants in Paris who were born in the former French Indochina.

Traditionally, Chinatown-based associations have also been aligned with ethnic Chinese business interests, such as restaurant, grocery, and laundry (antiquated) associations in Chinatowns in North America. In Chicago's Chinatown, the On Leong Merchants Association was active.

Names[edit]

English[edit]

Official signs in Boston pointing towards "Chinatown"

Although the term "Chinatown" was first used in Asia, it is not derived from a Chinese language. Its earliest appearance seems to have been in connection with the Chinese quarter of Singapore, which by 1844 was already being called "China Town" or "Chinatown" by the British colonial government.[54][55] This may have been a word-for-word translation into English of the Malay name for that quarter, which in those days was probably "Kampong China" or possibly "Kota China" or "Kampong Tionghua/Chunghwa/Zhonghua".

The first appearance of a Chinatown outside Singapore may have been in 1852, in a book by the Rev. Hatfield, who applied the term to the Chinese part of the main settlement on the remote South Atlantic island of St. Helena.[56] The island was a regular way-station on the voyage to Europe and North America from Indian Ocean ports, including Singapore.

Sign inside Jefferson Station in Philadelphia pointing to "Chinatown"

One of the earliest American usages dates to 1855, when San Francisco newspaper The Daily Alta California described a "pitched battle on the streets of [SF's] Chinatown".[57] Other Alta articles from the late 1850s make it clear that areas called "Chinatown" existed at that time in several other California cities, including Oroville and San Andres.[58][59] By 1869, "Chinatown had acquired its full modern meaning all over the U.S. and Canada. For instance, an Ohio newspaper wrote: "From San Diego to Sitka..., every town and hamlet has its 'Chinatown'."[60]

In British publications before the 1890s, "Chinatown" appeared mainly in connection with California. At first, Australian and New Zealand journalists also regarded Chinatowns as Californian phenomena. However, they began using the term to denote local Chinese communities as early as 1861 in Australia[61] and 1873 in New Zealand.[62] In most other countries, the custom of calling local Chinese communities "Chinatowns" is not older than the twentieth century.

Several alternate English names for Chinatown include China Town (generally used in British and Australian English), The Chinese District, Chinese Quarter and China Alley (an antiquated term used primarily in several rural towns in the western United States for a Chinese community; some of these are now historical sites). In the case of Lillooet, British Columbia, Canada, China Alley was a parallel commercial street adjacent to the town's Main Street, enjoying a view over the river valley adjacent and also over the main residential part of Chinatown, which was largely of adobe construction. All traces of Chinatown and China Alley there have disappeared, despite a once large and prosperous community.

In Chinese[edit]

Street sign in Chinatown, Newcastle, with 唐人街 below the street name

In Chinese, Chinatown is usually called 唐人街, in Cantonese Tong jan gai, in Mandarin Tángrénjiē, in Hakka Tong ngin gai, and in Toisan Hong ngin gai, literally meaning "Tang people's street(s)". The Tang Dynasty was a zenith of the Chinese civilization, after which some Chinese call themselves. Some Chinatowns are indeed just one single street, such as the relatively short Fisgard Street in Victoria, British Columbia, Canada.

A more modern Chinese name is 華埠 (Cantonese: Waa Fau, Mandarin: Huábù) meaning "Chinese City", used in the semi-official Chinese translations of some cities' documents and signs. Bù, pronounced sometimes in Mandarin as fù, usually means seaport; but in this sense, it means city or town. Tong jan fau (唐人埠 "Tang people's town") is also used in Cantonese nowadays. The literal word-for-word translation of Chinatown—Zhōngguó Chéng (中國城) is also used, but more frequently by visiting Chinese nationals rather than immigrants of Chinese descent who live in various Chinatowns.

Chinatowns in Southeast Asia have unique Chinese names used by the local Chinese, as there are large populations of people who are Overseas Chinese, living within the various major cities of Southeast Asia. As the population of Overseas Chinese, is widely dispersed in various enclaves, across each major Southeast Asian city, specific Chinese names are used instead.

For example, in Singapore, where 2.8 million ethnic Chinese constitute a majority 74% of the resident population,[63] the Chinese name for Chinatown is Niúchēshǔi (牛車水, Hokkien POJ: Gû-chia-chúi), which literally means "ox-cart water" from the Malay 'Kreta Ayer' in reference to the water carts that used to ply the area. The Chinatown in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, (where 2 million ethnic Chinese comprise 30% of the population of Greater Kuala Lumpur[64]) while officially known as Petaling Street (Malay: Jalan Petaling), is referred to by Malaysian Chinese by its Cantonese name ci4 cong2 gaai1 (茨廠街, pinyin: Cíchǎng Jiē), literally "tapioca factory street", after a tapioca starch factory that once stood in the area. In Manila, Philippines, the area is called Mínlúnluò Qū 岷倫洛區, literally meaning the "Mín and Luò Rivers confluence district" but is actually a transliteration of the local term Binondo and an allusion to its proximity to the Pasig River.

Other languages[edit]

In Philippine Spanish, the term used for Chinatown districts is parián, the etymology of which is uncertain.[16] In the rest of the Spanish Empire, the Spanish-language term is usually barrio chino (Chinese neighborhood; plural: barrios chinos), used in Spain and Latin America. (However, barrio chino or its Catalan cognate barri xinès do not always refer to a Chinese neighborhood: these are also common terms for a disreputable district with drugs and prostitution, and often no connection to the Chinese.).

In Portuguese, Chinatown is often referred to as Bairro chinês (the Chinese Neighbourhood; plural: bairros chineses).

In Francophone regions (such as France and Quebec), Chinatown is often referred to as le quartier chinois (the Chinese Neighbourhood; plural: les quartiers chinois). The most prominent Francophone Chinatowns are located in Paris and Montreal.

The Vietnamese term for Chinatown is Khu người Hoa (Chinese district) or phố Tàu (Chinese street). Vietnamese language is prevalent in Chinatowns of Paris, Los Angeles, Boston, Philadelphia, Toronto, and Montreal as ethnic Chinese from Vietnam have set up shop in them.

In Japanese, the term "chūkagai" (中華街, literally "Chinese Street") is the translation used for Yokohama and Nagasaki Chinatown.

In Indonesia, chinatown is known as Pecinan, a shortened term of pe-cina-an, means everything related to the Chinese people. Most of these pecinans usually located in Java.[65]

Some languages have adopted the English-language term, such as Dutch and German.

Locations[edit]

Street scene of the Chinatown in Cyrildene, Johannesburg

Africa[edit]

Main article: Chinatowns in Africa

There are three noteworthy Chinatowns in Africa located in the coastal African nations of Madagascar, Mauritius and South Africa. South Africa has the largest Chinatown and the largest Chinese population of any African country and remains a popular destination for Chinese immigrants coming to Africa. Derrick Avenue in Cyrildene, Johannesburg, hosts South Africa's largest Chinatown.

America[edit]

Main article: Chinatowns in the Americas

Celebrating Chinese New Year in Fuzhou Town, Brooklyn

In the Americas, which includes North America, Central America and South America, Chinatowns have been around since the 1800s. The most prominent ones exist in the United States and Canada in New York, Boston, San Francisco, Chicago, Toronto and Vancouver. The New York City metropolitan area is home to the largest ethnically Chinese population outside of Asia, comprising an estimated 893,697 uniracial individuals as of 2017,[66] including at least 12 Chinatowns – six[67] (or nine, including the emerging Chinatowns in Corona and Whitestone, Queens,[68] and East Harlem, Manhattan) in New York City proper, and one each in Nassau County, Long Island; Edison, New Jersey;[68] and Parsippany-Troy Hills, New Jersey, not to mention fledgling ethnic Chinese enclaves emerging throughout the New York City metropolitan area. San Francisco, a Pacific port city, has the oldest and longest continuous running Chinatown in the Western Hemisphere.[69][70][71] In Canada, The Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area is home to the 2nd largest ethnically Chinese population outside of Asia, comprising 694,970 individuals as of the 2021 Census. Vancouver's Chinatown is the country's largest.[72]

The oldest Chinatown in the Americas is in Mexico City and dates back to at least the early 17th century.[73] Since the 1970s, new arrivals have typically hailed from Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. Latin American Chinatowns may include the descendants of original migrants – often of mixed Chinese and Latin parentage – and more recent immigrants from East Asia. Most Asian Latin Americans are of Cantonese and Hakka origin. Estimates widely vary on the number of Chinese descendants in Latin America. Notable Chinatowns also exist in Chinatown, Lima, Peru.

In Brazil, the Liberdade neighborhood in São Paulo has, along with a large Japanese community, an important Chinese community.[74] There is a project for a Chinatown in the Mercado neighborhood, close to the Municipal Market and the commercial Rua 25 de Março.[75][76][77]

Chinatowns in the Americas

Manhattan Chinatown

San Francisco's Chinatown

Chinatown, Boston

Chinatown, Philadelphia

Portland, Oregon's Chinatown

Seattle Chinatown-International District, Seattle

Vancouver Chinatown

Chinatown in Canada's Capital, Ottawa

Arch honors Chinese-Mexican community of Mexico City, built in 2008, Articulo 123 Street

Barrio Chino, Buenos Aires

Barrio Chino, Lima

Asia[edit]

Main article: Chinatowns in Asia

Chinatowns in Asia are widespread with a large concentration of overseas Chinese in East Asia and Southeast Asia and ethnic Chinese whose ancestors came from southern China – particularly the provinces of Guangdong, Fujian, and Hainan – and settled in countries such as Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam centuries ago—starting as early as the Tang Dynasty, but mostly notably in the 17th through the 19th centuries (during the reign of the Qing Dynasty), and well into the 20th century. Today the Chinese diaspora in Asia is largely concentrated in Southeast Asia however the legacy of the once widespread overseas Chinese communities in Asia is evident in the many Chinatowns that are found across East Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia.

Vietnam houses the largest Chinatown by size in Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon).

Asian Chinatowns

Yokohama Chinatown's Goodwill Gate in Japan

Chinatown in Bangkok, Thailand

Kan Yin Temple (Kwan Yin Si), a place of worship for Burmese Chinese in Bago, also serves as a Mandarin school.

Chinatown gate performing an attraction Dragon dance in Glodok, Jakarta, Indonesia

Kya-Kya or Kembang Jepun, Surabaya's Chinatown, one of oldest Chinatown in Indonesia

The Gate of Kampung Ketandan Chinatown, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

Chinese New Year celebrated in Chinatown, Kolkata, India

Binondo Chinatown in Manila

Australia and Oceania[edit]

Main articles: Chinatowns in Australia and Chinatowns in Oceania

The Chinatown of Melbourne lies within the Melbourne central business district and centers on the eastern end of Little Bourke Street. It extends between the corners of Swanston and Exhibition Streets. Melbourne's Chinatown originated during the Victorian gold rush in 1851, and is notable as the oldest Chinatown in Australia. It has also been claimed to be the longest continuously running Chinese community outside of Asia, but only because the 1906 San Francisco earthquake all but destroyed the Chinatown in San Francisco in California.[69][70][71]

Sydney's main Chinatown centers on Sussex Street in the Sydney downtown. It stretches from Central Station in the east to Darling Harbour in the west, and is Australia's largest Chinatown.

The Chinatown of Adelaide was originally built in the 1960s and was renovated in the 1980s. It is located near Adelaide Central Market and the Adelaide Central bus station.

Chinatown Gold Coast is a precinct in the Central Business District of Southport, Queensland, that runs through Davenport Street and Young Street. The precinct extends between Nerang Street in the north and Garden Street/Scarborough Street east-west. Redevelopment of the precinct was established in 2013 and completed in 2015 in time for Chinese New Year celebrations.

There are additional Chinatowns in Brisbane, Perth, and Broome in Australia.

Chinatowns in Australia and Oceania

Paifang at Sydney Chinatown

Paifang at Bendigo Chinese Precinct

Adelaide Chinatown

Melbourne Chinatown

Europe[edit]

Main article: Chinatowns in Europe

Several urban Chinatowns exist in major European capital cities. There is Chinatown, London, England as well as major Chinatowns in Birmingham, Liverpool, Newcastle, and Manchester. Berlin, Germany has one established Chinatown in the area around Kantstrasse of Charlottenburg in the West. Antwerp, Belgium has also seen an upstart Chinese community, that has been recognized by the local authorities since 2011.[78] The city council of Cardiff has plans to recognize the Chinese Diaspora in the city.[79]

The Chinatown in Paris, located in the 13th arrondissement, is the largest in Europe, where many Vietnamese – specifically ethnic Chinese refugees from Vietnam – have settled and in Belleville in the northeast of Paris as well as in Lyon. In Italy, there is a Chinatown in Milan between Via Luigi Canonica and Via Paolo Sarpi and others in Rome and Prato. In the Netherlands, Chinatowns exist in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague.

In the United Kingdom, several exist in Birmingham, Liverpool, London, Manchester and Newcastle Upon Tyne. The Chinatown in Liverpool is the oldest Chinese community in Europe.[80] The Chinatown in London was established in the Limehouse district in the late 19th century. The Chinatown in Manchester is located in central Manchester.

European Chinatowns

Map of Chinatown Milan

Gate of Chinatown, Liverpool England, is the largest multiple-span arch outside of China, in the oldest Chinese community in Europe.

Wardour Street, Chinatown, London

Chinese Quarter in Birmingham, England

Chinese new year celebration in Lyon, France

In popular culture[edit]

Chinatowns have been portrayed in various films including The Joy Luck Club, Big Trouble in Little China, Year of the Dragon, Flower Drum Song, The Lady from Shanghai and Chinatown. Within the context of the last film "Chinatown" is used primarily as an extended metaphor for any situation in which an outside entity seeks to intervene without having the local knowledge required to understand the consequences of that intervention. The neighborhood or district is often associated with being outside the normal rule of law or isolated from the social norms of the larger society.

Chinatowns have also been mentioned in the song "Kung Fu Fighting" by Carl Douglas whose song lyrics says "... There was funky China men from funky Chinatown ..."[81]

The martial arts actor Bruce Lee is well known as a person who was born in the Chinatown of San Francisco.[82] Other notable Chinese Americans such as politician Gary Locke and NBA player Jeremy Lin grew up in suburbs with lesser connections to traditional Chinatowns. Neighborhood activists and politicians have increased in prominence in some cities, and some are starting to attract support from non-Chinese voters.

Some notable temples in Chinatowns worldwide[edit]

San Francisco's Chinatown – Tin How Temple (天后古廟), Ma-Tsu Temple (美國舊金山媽祖廟朝聖宮)

Los Angeles Chinatown – Thien Hau Temple (天后宮)

Yokohama Chinatown – Yokohama Ma Zhu Miao (横濱媽祖廟)

Bangkok Chinatown – Leng Buai Ia Shrine (龍尾古廟), Wat Bamphen Chin Phrot (永福寺) & Wat Mangkon Kamalawat (龍蓮寺)

Yangon Chinatown – Kheng Hock Keong (慶福宮) & Guanyin Gumiao Temple (觀音古廟)

Jakarta Chinatown – Kim Tek Ie Temple (金德院)

Kuala Lumpur Chinatown – Sin Sze Si Ya Temple (仙四師爺廟)

Malacca Chinatown – Cheng Hoon Teng Temple (青云亭)

Terengganu Chinatown – Ho Ann Kiong Temple (护安宫) & Tian Hou Gong Temple (天后宮)

Davao Chinatown – Lon Wa Buddhist Temple (龙华寺)

Chinatown and Malaytown in Kedah

Gaya Street, Kota Kinabalu

Chinatown, Kuching

See also[edit]

China portalSociety portal

Wikimedia Commons has media related to:

Chinatown (category)

Chinatowns in Asia

Chinatowns in Europe

Chinatowns in Oceania

Chinatowns in the United States

List of U.S. cities with significant Chinese-American populations

Ethnic enclave

References[edit]

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^ Department of Statistics, Malaysia. "Migration and Population Distribution 2010" Archived 2020-02-06 at the Wayback Machine, Government of Malaysia, Malaysia, August 2014. Retrieved on 27 December 2019.

^ Bunnell, Tim; Parthasarathy, D.; Thompson, Eric C. (December 11, 2012). Cleavage, Connection and Conflict in Rural, Urban and Contemporary Asia. Springer Science & Business Media. ISBN 9789400754829. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024. Retrieved November 9, 2020.

^ "SELECTED POPULATION PROFILE IN THE UNITED STATES 2017 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates New York-Newark, NY-NJ-CT-PA CSA Chinese alone". United States Census Bureau. Archived from the original on February 14, 2020. Retrieved January 27, 2019.

^ Kirk Semple (June 23, 2011). "Asian New Yorkers Seek Power to Match Numbers". The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 19, 2014. Retrieved October 3, 2014.

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^ a b Bacon, Daniel: Walking the Barbary Coast Trail 2nd ed., page 50, Quicksilver Press, 1997

^ a b Richards, Rand: Historic San Francisco, 2nd Ed., page 198, Heritage House Publishers, 2007

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^ "Chinatown Vancouver Online". Vancouver Chinatown. Archived from the original on September 3, 2011. Retrieved September 11, 2011.

^ Mann, Charles C. (2012). 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created. Random House Digital, Inc. p. 416. ISBN 978-0-307-27824-1. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024. Retrieved October 12, 2012.

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Sources[edit]

Chew, James R. "Boyhood Days in Winnemucca, 1901–1910." Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 1998 41(3): 206–209. ISSN 0047-9462 Oral history (1981) describes the Chinatown of Winnemucca, Nevada, during 1901–10. Though many Chinese left Winnemucca after the Central Pacific Railroad was completed in 1869, around four hundred Chinese had formed a community in the town by the 1890s. Among the prominent buildings was the Joss House, a place of worship and celebration that was visited by Chinese revolutionist Sun Yat-Sen in 1911. Beyond describing the physical layout of the Chinatown, the author recalls some of the commercial and gambling activities in the community.

Ki Longfellow, China Blues, Eio Books 2012, ISBN 0975925571, San Francisco's Chinatown during the 1906 earthquake and in the early 1920s. (Eio Books)

"Chinatown: Conflicting Images, Contested Terrain", K. Scott Wong, Melus (Vol. 20, Issue 1), 1995. Scholarly work discussing the negative perceptions and imagery of old Chinatowns.

Pan, Lynn. Sons of the Yellow Emperor: A History of the Chinese Diaspora (1994). Book with detailed histories of Chinese diaspora communities (Chinatowns) from San Francisco, Honolulu, Bangkok, Manila, Johannesburg, Sydney, London, Lima, etc.

Williams, Daniel. "Chinatown Is a Hard Sell in Italy", The Washington Post Foreign Service, March 1, 2004; Page A11.

Further reading[edit]

Kwan, Cheuk (2023). Have you eaten yet? : stories from Chinese restaurants around the world (First Pegasus Books cloth ed.). New York: Pegasus Books. ISBN 9781639363346.

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Shin-Ōkubo: Tokyo’s Thriving Ethnic Town | Nippon.com

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Shin-Ōkubo: Tokyo’s Thriving Ethnic Town

Society

Jan 15, 2021

The increase in foreign residents in Japan has introduced a diversity of customs and lifestyles into local communities. Writer Murohashi Hirokazu provides a firsthand account of one of Japan’s most vibrant ethnic enclaves, the Tokyo neighborhood of Shin-Ōkubo.

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Japan’s “Asia Town”

Returning to Japan after 10 years living and traveling in mainland Asia, the country no longer looked the same. During my time away from home, the foreign population had exploded, the outcome of government measures to offset demographically driven labor shortages with workers from overseas. Nearly every place I went—convenience stores, restaurants, supermarkets—had foreigners on staff.

This development, although somewhat surprising at first, piqued my interest as a former expat. Living in Thailand, I had been part of a thriving Japanese community of some 70,000 residents, a population sufficiently large enough to support me in eking out a living as an editor and writer for a local Japanese-language information magazine. Back on my native soil, I was curious to see how the diverse foreign residents, particularly from countries around mainland Asia, were building their own ethnic enclaves in Japan.

I started walking around the different multicultural neighborhoods that dot the Tokyo metropolitan landscape, places like Takadanobaba, where there is a Myanmarese enclave, and Nishikasai with its community of Indian expats, many of whom work in the IT industry. I also visited little Thailand in Hachiōji in western Tokyo, which boasts its own Thai Buddhist temple, and the new Chinatown around Nishi-Kawaguchi Station in Saitama Prefecture. I spoke with people about where they found ingredients for dishes from home, the restaurants and cafés they hung out with friends at, and the Japanese schools they attended. As I did, one name continued to pop up: Shin-Ōkubo. Intrigued, I decided to take a look.

The Shinjuku neighborhood is best known for its booming Koreatown. But this, I discovered, is only part of the story. There, setting alongside the numerous Korean eateries and gift shops, I found a tantalizing array of stores and restaurants catering to inhabitants from all across Asia. The Shin-Ōkubo I had known from my younger days had transformed into a bustling international enclave.

Shin-Ōkubo has some 20 South Asian markets that stock hard-to-find ethnic ingredients.

Touring the neighborhood, I was entranced by the kaleidoscope of sights, sounds, and smells. On one street a middle-aged man sporting a white skullcap worn by Muslims hummed a tune as he sailed by on his bicycle; on another lane I was assailed by the fragrant odor of spices and distinctive sounds of an Indian pop song. Here and there I spotted groups of young Vietnamese, presumably students, chatting cheerfully. Seemingly at every turn I heard the unmistakable sounds of people conversing in Chinese, Thai, and any number of other tongues. When I stopped to observe the signs on the side of a multi-tenant building, it seemed only natural to find scripts ranging from English to Korean to Nepali.

Amid such an array of languages, I was surprised to find that Japanese, by necessity perhaps, serves as the lingua franca of Shin-Ōkubo. I heard international students use it to communicate with classmates from other countries. At a spice shop, a Chinese customer haggled in Japanese with the Nepalese clerk, while outside a greengrocer an African woman in richly colored traditional garb conversed fluently with the Japanese attendant. This struck me as odd at first, but I came to understand the central role Japanese plays in the workings of the neighborhood. In all its accented permutations, the language is the backbone of Shin-Ōkubo’s diversity.

Navigating the district evinced nostalgia for the sights and sounds I had known while living in mainland Asia. Enchanted by the familiarity in the easygoing attitudes and warm friendliness of its foreign residents, in 2018 I decided to make Shin-Ōkubo my home. Walking the streets as a resident and observer, I compiled my encounters and thoughts in the book Rupo Shin-Ōkubo: Imin zensen toshi o aruku (Exploring Shin-Ōkubo: A Look at a Neighborhood on the Frontline of Immigration).

Boundary Line

The overhead railroad tracks of the Yamanote Line divide Shin-Ōkubo’s international quarter into two parts. To the east is Koreatown, the neighborhood’s best-known landmark, characterized by its numerous specialty shops lined with faces of K-pop stars and restaurants offering all manner of Korean cuisine. Looking at the area today, it is hard to imagine that its reputation as a Korean enclave dates back only about two decades. In the early 2000s the FIFA World Cup, which was cohosted by Japan and South Korea, and massive popularity of the South Korean television drama Winter Sonata attracted a slew of investors who developed Koreatown as a tourist attraction.

Stores and eateries line a busy street in Koreatown.

Shops selling posters and other items featuring South Korean pop stars dot the neighborhood.

The west side of the tracks has a very different, and to me more alluring, character. Here, residents from Central, South, and Southeast Asia make up a sizable portion of the population, and the streets are lined with all variety of businesses serving their needs. There are grocers selling exotic spices and vegetables along with imported household items, companies offering international money transfer services, and any number of ethnic restaurants serving up a tantalizing variety of authentic dishes. The wide variety of free newspapers printed in different languages attests to the diversity of the area, as does the profusion of places of worship, including mosques, churches, and Taiwanese and Hindu temples. Wandering the neighborhood, I am sometimes struck by the uncanny sense that I am no longer in Japan, but visiting some distant Asian destination.

It is hard to ignore the area’s distinctively youthful feel, though, a quality I attribute to the numerous Southeast Asians, particularly Vietnamese, students residing here.

Dreams of Japan

Shinjuku is home to some 40,000 foreign residents, around half of whom are in Japan to study. Not surprisingly, the area stretching from Shin-Ōkubo to nearby Takadanobaba supports a host of Japanese language schools and vocational colleges catering to international students. One group that is conspicuously absent from the inflow of foreigners settling in Tokyo are participants of Japan’s technical intern training scheme, who typically are placed at regional factories and farms.

In the early evenings, around the time classes finish, foot traffic along the main road from the station begins to pick up. Stalls selling street foods like kebabs and Korean-style cheese hot dogs start to do a brisk business and people chat as they head to their next destination, which for international students typically means a part-time job. Most foreigners enrolled in schools have to hold down one or more part-time jobs to cover tuition and cost of living. These are largely low-paying service industry positions like convenience store clerk, restaurant server, and hotel cleaning staff. For those who qualify, the kitchens in Koreatown’s eateries also provide a ready source of employment.

Japanese law caps the amount international students can work in a week at 28 hours and it can be a struggle to make ends meet. I frequently hear people say they would like to work more, but those who do risk having their visa revoked as punishment. In addition, students often face harsh work conditions, which combined with financial worries can weigh heavily on their studies.

A halal grocery store and restaurant. A mosque occupies the second floor of the building.

Hanging out with friends at a favorite café offers a respite from these real-world concerns. And Shin-Ōkubo is filled with choices. Two establishments offering a taste of home for young Vietnamese expats are Egg Coffee and Heo-chan, where on any given evening there is bound to be a group crooning along to the latest Vietnamese pop tunes and snapping photos on their smartphones. Speaking from experience, living abroad can bring bouts of melancholy, and it is the chance to chase away the blues with a visit to a welcoming place with familiar faces that draws many to the neighborhood.

This is not to say that the foreign youths who frequent these shops are itching to head home. Quite the opposite is true. Japan offers a diligent person the chance to earn good money to help support family back home while also building a career. A considerable portion of students enrolled at a Japanese language school plan to continue their studies at a technical college or university in the hopes of eventually working for a Japanese company. Although the pandemic has put a damper on gatherings and travel restrictions have reduced the number of international students entering Japan, the heart of Shin-Ōkubo continues to beat to the rhythm of the dreams of its young inhabitants.

Entrepreneurial Hotbed

The district’s crowd of determined business owners are another group shaping the local atmosphere. Having so many nationalities congregated in one spot creates unique opportunities for entrepreneurs like Duong Anh Duc, who runs Egg Coffee. Duong hails from Vietnam, but he has not limited his enterprises to cuisine from his homeland. Noticing the rising popularity of Korean food, he opened the restaurant Gogi-chan, which quickly earned a reputation for serving authentic dishes like samgyeopsal, a type of grilled pork belly, that were on par with other shops in Koreatown. He also jumped on Japan’s tapioca bandwagon early on, renting a small stand to dole out bubble tea and other delights.

Now in his early thirties, Duong first came to Japan to study the language and eventually earned a degree from a Japanese university. Rather than job hunting, though, he set to work building his own company, something he says he first started thinking about during his student days. “A lot of people who come here to study have the same idea,” he explains. “They might work in an office for a while, but before too long they quit and go into business for themselves.”

Shin-Ōkubo has proved to be fertile ground for savvy entrepreneurs like Duong. The uptick in halal grocery stores run by Nepalese and Bangladeshi proprietors is one obvious example of the flourishing business landscape. Fields like imports and exports, IT, and translating also offer rich prospects for success, with solo endeavors and small operations making up a sizable portion of commercial activity in the foreign community.

Judging from the number of new stores opening, COVID-19 is having a negligible impact on business sentiment. In fact, many entrepreneurs even see it as an opportunity. In the words of a halal market owner I met: “With the coronavirus bringing rents down, it’s a buyer’s market.” He says the prevailing view around town is that the pandemic will eventually subside and the inflow of foreign students will return to normal. He advises other foreign proprietors to be ready, insisting that now is a good time to invest.

A halal market and a stand selling sandwiches made with banh mi, a type of Vietnamese baguette, share store fronts.

Since moving to Shin-Ōkubo, I have become acquainted with several of the foreign shop owners in the area. Consummate merchants, upon spotting me they are quick to ask my thoughts about a product or implore me to plug a new service on offer. Their manner of bantering with passersby reminds me of Japan’s shōtengai, the shopping streets that once served as community hubs in neighborhoods around the country. Here, though, the vendor beseeching customers to step inside with cries of “rasshai, rasshai!” is likely to be a foreign shopkeeper.

Misconceptions and Stereotypes

Admittedly, Shin-Ōkubo’s emergence as an ethnic enclave has produced its own set of issues. Problems like noise and improper disposal of garbage are perennial trouble spots. Landlords hold orientation meetings to explain building rules and manners to new foreign residents, but compliance is not guaranteed. A degree of friction is inevitable with such an array of nationalities living in close proximity. However, the onus is firmly on the expat community to respect and observe Japanese practices and customs.

Fights are another headache for authorities. I have witnessed alcohol-fueled altercations involving Japanese, but far more frequently heated disputes are between foreigners from the same country. For instance, the Metropolitan Police Department arrested two Nepalese nationals for assault in October 2020. The media reported that the pair were members of a Nepalese gang called the Tokyo Brothers. When word got out that the group was based in Shin-Ōkubo, the neighborhood’s reputation suffered as a result.

Little is known about the gang, but one Nepalese acquaintance speculated that its membership consisted of young dependents of foreigners working in the country. The government has expanded its visa program for students, professionals, and technical interns in a bid to alleviate Japan’s labor shortage. Authorities also allow foreign workers to bring over family members like spouses and children, which helps provide a stable, supportive environment during the duration of their stay.

Shops providing overseas money transfers are in high demand and competition among vendors is fierce.

As the number of young dependents has increased, though, not all have been able to adjust to their adopted home. There are numerous reasons why some individuals end up feeling socially detached, including difficulty adjusting to cultural norms and poor Japanese language skills. With few outlets for their frustrations, these foreign youths band together in groups like the Tokyo Brothers.

Although the emergence of gangs is a worrying trend, groups are not present on the streets of Shin-Ōkubo, which are as safe as they ever were. Aside from “rumbles” with rivals, I have never heard of gangs targeting people in the community, and I would venture that most residents are unaware of their existence. Now that the groups have made the news, though, there is little sympathy among the foreign populace of the neighborhood for their plight, particularly among my Nepalese acquaintances, who staunchly insist that the youths clean up their act or face the consequences.

The cover of Murohashi’s book Exploring Shin-Ōkubo: A Look at a Neighborhood on the Frontline of Immigration.

Shin-Ōkubo has flourished as an ethnic enclave because the foreigners who live and work here have embraced native ways and show great respect for the norms, rules, and customs of their adopted home. The Japanese culture and the language remain core to the neighborhood’s identity, serving as the glue that bonds the disparate identities into a unique whole. Increasing effort is being made to support language learning, including local elementary schools providing special Japanese classes for foreign pupils and a growing variety of courses being offered at public facilities like libraries and community centers.

The rapid growth of the foreign population is forcing Japanese society to diversify as never before. Shin-Ōkubo, with its mixed populace, is on the frontline of this transformation. Immigration remains a fraught topic in Japan, but in covering the neighborhood, I aim to show how residents, both Japanese and from overseas, are coming together to forge a new and vibrant community that works for everyone.

(Originally published in Japanese. Banner photo: Duong Anh Duc, left, stands with employees of Vietnamese café Egg Coffee, one of several establishments he runs in Shin-Ōkubo. All photos by the author.)

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上海古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成特征

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地理研究

2015

(11):

2179-2194

https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201511016

Orginal Article

上海古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成特征

周雯婷, 刘云刚

中山大学地理科学与规划学院,广东省城市化与地理环境空间模拟重点实验室,广州 510275

Characteristics of the Japanese ethnic economy in the Gubei Japanese enclave of Shanghai city, China

ZHOU Wenting, LIU Yungang

School of Geography and Planning, Guangdong Key Laboratory for Urbanization and Geo-simulation, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou, Guangdong 510275, China

通讯作者:

通讯作者:刘云刚（1973- ）,男,内蒙古呼和浩特人,博士,教授,主要研究方向为城市地理学、政治地理学、生活空间论。E-mail:liuyung@mail.sysu.edu.cn

收稿日期:

2015-06-11

修回日期:

2015-09-5

网络出版日期:

2015-11-15

2015 《地理研究》编辑部《地理研究》编辑部

基金资助:

国家自然科学基金项目（41271165,41130747,41571130）教育部人文社会科学研究规划基金（12YJAGJW007）

作者简介:

作者简介：周雯婷（1986- ）,女,广东茂名人,博士研究生,主要研究方向为城市地理学、城市社会学、移民研究。E-mail:zhouwentinghai@163.com

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摘要

随着中国国际化程度的提高,在华外国人数量日益增长并呈现在特定大城市集聚的倾向。上海作为在华外国人集聚规模最大的城市,古北地区的日本人聚居区及其族裔经济引起了广泛的社会关注。主要通过实地调查及深度访谈,探讨古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成特征。研究发现：古北地区日本人族裔经济形成了以日本人聚居区为依托、以日本人为主要服务对象、中国人和日本人共同经营的特色,该地区的出现既与中国的移民、经济政策相关,也与日本人的族裔特性如旅居属性、较高的社会经济地位、民族内向性等因素相关联。作为高端移民族裔经济的代表,日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成给上海的城市规划建设及移民管理带来了新的课题。

关键词：

高端移民

;

族裔聚居区

;

族裔经济

;

日本人

;

古北地区

;

上海

Abstract

With the development of globalization and the internationalization of the economy in China, the foreign population, particularly in major metropolises such as Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, has increased rapidly. This phenomenon has attracted attention both in China and abroad because China has not typically been a country with many immigrants. Shanghai, which has the largest foreign population of Chinese cities, now has 76 established foreign enclaves. One such enclave—the Japanese enclave in the Gubei area—has become well established over the past 20 years and is now famous. Along with the development of the enclave, the Japanese ethnic economy, which serves for the daily needs of Japanese people, has developed gradually in the Gubei area and is deeply rooted in local society. This study was carried out in the context of the Gubei area to examine the development process and characteristics of the Japanese ethnic economy for the following: the factors of formation, changes in the spatial scale and number of Japanese facilities, and the management of Japanese facilities. Firsthand data was gathered from fieldwork and interviews. This study found that the Japanese ethnic economy in the Gubei area has developed into a special ethnic enclave economy due to three characteristics: (1) Its formation depended greatly on the presence and operation of the Japanese enclave; (2) The Japanese facilities in the area mainly serve Japanese people and very few Chinese; (3) The Japanese facilities are owned and managed by both self-employed Japanese and Chinese people. The formation of this unique ethnic enclave economy pattern is strongly related to the immigration and economic policies of the Chinese government and the ethnic characteristics of the Japanese expatriates, who have sojourner attributes, high social-economic status and national introversion. As an example of an ethnic economy of high-skilled expatriates, the Japanese ethnic enclave economy provides a hallmark of diversity development and has resulted in the development of special ethnic landscapes in Chinese cities. It has also introduced ideas for urban planning and immigration management to Shanghai.

Keywords：

high-skill expatriates

;

ethnic enclave

;

ethnic economy

;

Japanese expatriates

;

Gubei area

;

Shanghai

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周雯婷, 刘云刚. 上海古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成特征[J]. , 2015, 34(11): 2179-2194 https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201511016

ZHOU Wenting, LIU Yungang. Characteristics of the Japanese ethnic economy in the Gubei Japanese enclave of Shanghai city, China[J]. 地理研究, 2015, 34(11): 2179-2194 https://doi.org/10.11821/dlyj201511016

1 引言

随着经济全球化的不断深化,人口的跨国迁移日益频繁,其迁移模式已打破传统的单向模式,呈现出多元化倾向。除欠发达国家向发达国家的迁移外,如发展中国家的相互迁移、发达国家向发展中国家的迁移等也日益增多[1]。在中国,入境外国人的规模增长始于20世纪90年代,但其社会经济活动很大程度上受制于中国严格的移民限制[2]。作为传统的非移民国家,中国对外国人的居留、就业等管理严格。如规定持居留证件的外国人未经政府主管机关允许,不得在中国就业。这些限制延缓了外国人进入中国居留的规模和速度。但截至2010年,根据第六次全国人口普查,在华居留三个月以上的常住外国人数量仍有60万之多,比10年前增长了4倍[3]。这说明,严格限制并未能阻挡外国人入境增长的趋势。为何中国对在华外国人的居留就业限制多多,但其人口规模还是持续扩大?究其原因,一方面与中国经济持续增长带来的就业需求有关;另一方面族裔经济的发展也是一个重要因素。因为族裔经济所构建的服务体系使在华外国人在日常生活中遇到的诸多问题可以得到解决。族裔经济到底解决了在华外国人的哪些问题?对中国的移民政策及移民理论构建有何启示?这即是本文的着眼点。

现阶段,在华外国人主要分布在上海、北京、广州等大城市,其中以上海的外国人集聚规模最大。2010年上海常住外国人为162481人,占全国常住外国人总数的27%;过半数的常住外国人为外资企业工作人员及家属,占总人口的60%（96750人）,其次为留学人员及家属,占9%（14654人）[4]。按国别来看,日本人以35075人成为上海市最大的外国人群体,其人口数约占在华日本人的53%,上海常住外国人的22%;其次为美国人和韩国人,分别占上海常住外国人的15%（24358人）和13%（21073人）[4]。上海最典型的外国人聚居区就是古北日本人聚居区,因此以古北地区为例进行案例研究。

鉴于中国目前对移民数据统计的不足,主要通过实地考察和访谈完成数据收集。预调查于2012年3月实施,分别对5名族裔经济设施的经营者（包括在上海居住10年以上的房地产中介商、教育机构的相关负责人等）进行了预访谈,掌握古北地区自20世纪90年代以来的发展情况,同时通过对当地日文杂志（Whenever上海、Look上海、上海らくらくプレス等）、新闻报纸等对照总结古北地区日本族裔经济的大致情况。正式调查于2012年7-8月、2013年2-3月期间实施,2013年3月15日结束。共对21家日本族裔经济设施（表1）的经营者进行访谈,访谈内容包括设施的经营情况、利用者的属性及经营者的创业经历等,访谈时长0.5~3h,对部分经营者在调查期间进行了多次访谈。

Tab. 1

表1

表1 古北地区日本族裔经济设施经营者的基本属性

Tab. 1 Attributes of the self-employed Japanese in the Gubei area from interviews

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2 族裔经济及聚居区族裔经济

“族裔经济”作为一个舶来语,随着中国对外开放程度的加深、日益增多的外国人在中国大城市集聚而逐渐进入公众视野。现阶段中国对族裔经济的研究多为以某一城市为对象的实证研究。如刘云刚等通过对在穗日本人的长期追踪调查,指出日本族裔经济具有自我服务、本地植根的特点[5,6];李志刚等通过对广州非洲人族裔经济区的形成和演化过程的分析,指出非洲人族裔经济区的兴起与中国“世界工厂”的地位密切相关[7-9]。

社会学家Bonacich等最早提出族裔经济的定义,指代少数族裔群体成员从事的经济活动,强调活动参与者的族裔属性,即经营者和大部分雇员为族裔成员[10]。Reite认为族裔经济应包括族裔成员参与的、使用母语的所有经济活动[11]。较之前的定义,Reite把受雇于非族裔经营者,但使用母语的经济活动也纳入族裔经济的范畴。在Bonacich等提出的定义的基础上,Aldrich等增加了“族裔文化”这一评价标准,即族裔经济提供的商品或服务应具有族裔特色[12]。但上述定义并未就是否为本族裔群体服务做出明确规定。

在地理学的研究中,一般从空间的视角出发将族裔经济与族裔聚居区进行联合考虑,这是由于为确保族裔劳动力或接近消费群体,族裔经济往往靠近族裔聚居区或直接以族裔聚居区为空间载体而形成[13]。Li通过对洛杉矶的华裔族裔经济进行研究,认为族裔经济的发展与族裔聚居区的人口增长存在正相关关系[14]。但Waldinger等则认为族裔经济与族裔聚居区的关系是复杂和可变的,且很大程度上受族裔经济的类别、族裔群体的族裔属性、地理环境和时间等因素的影响[15]。

在此基础上,部分学者提出“聚居区族裔经济”的概念,但并未就其定义形成统一的认识。Li根据族裔经济与族裔聚居区的空间距离,提出族裔经济发展的两个阶段：从聚居区族裔经济到中间人少数族裔经济[14]。根据Li的解释,以聚居区内大量居住的族裔成员为对象的经济活动,其进入门槛更低且更易获得事业成功,所以族裔经济在地理位置上往往发源于族裔聚居区。因此第一阶段的聚居区族裔经济主要满足居住于聚居区内的族裔成员的日常生活需求,以小资本的服务业和零售业为主。随着事业的成功,经营者将目光投向更为广阔的当地主流市场,其经营活动更加多元化并逐渐扩散到聚居区外,服务群体也扩大至或甚至主要面向非族裔群体,此时即进入第二阶段的中间人少数族裔经济,如位于洛杉矶黑人社区中的韩裔商业活动[16]。

另一方面,Portes等通过对迈阿密的古巴族裔经济研究,认为聚居区族裔经济包括以下要素：族裔群体内有相当大比例的经营者;以本族裔成员及主流社会成员为服务对象;为族裔成员提供大量工作岗位;族裔公司或企业在聚居区内集聚等[17,18]。但是,Light指出该概念剔除了实际上存在于聚居区族裔经济体系内的个体经营者,同时也无法很好地解释如纽约的韩国人街和加利福尼亚州南部的越南人街等聚居区族裔经济。在韩国人街的案例中,墨西哥人同时充当着族裔经济的雇员和顾客的双重角色;而在越南人街的案例中,经营者大多为来自越南的华裔,雇员则多为越南人和菲律宾人[19,20]。由此可见,聚居区族裔经济作为一种特殊的族裔经济模式,同样存在着定义暧昧、界定不清的问题。

此外,上述族裔经济的定义存在以下理论假说：即族裔群体大多为处于社会底层、缺乏良好教育与职业技巧、受到当地社会歧视的弱势群体;族裔经济提供的大量就业机会使族裔成员避免失业以及获得提升社会经济地位的可行途径。传统的族裔经济研究大多以低端移民为研究对象,因此其定义不能适用于20世纪90年代以来出现的新型移民,特别是高端移民族裔经济的新现象。

因此,本文将族裔经济的定义扩展为：族裔经营者提供的经济活动（不强调服务对象的族裔属性）,以及所有为族裔群体服务、具族裔特色的经济活动（不强调经营者的族裔属性）。当族裔经济活动在族裔聚居区内空间集聚并具相当规模,则形成聚居区族裔经济。关于其发育过程和内涵,本文更倾向于赞同Li的观点。

杉浦在大量实证研究的基础上,提出“族裔社区（ethnic town）”这一统筹族裔聚居区和族裔经济的概念。杉浦认为,族裔社区是指某一族裔群体集中居住的、拥有大量为族裔群体服务的商业设施和社会组织等的特定区域。在考察了处于不同发展阶段的美国洛杉矶、旧金山、西雅图、圣何塞的日本人街的基础上,杉浦提出了族裔社区演变模型的四阶段论：① 萌芽期：族裔群体聚居而衍生族裔市场,促使族裔经济的出现;② 族裔聚居与族裔经济共生期：族裔经济发挥集聚效应,促进族裔经济设施和聚居人口规模的增长,族裔经济的劳动力以聚居区内的族裔成员为主,强调居住、商业、社会网络功能的结合;③ 族裔经济主导期：族裔人口居住分散化,族裔经济的服务范围扩散至社区外,族裔经济的劳动力和服务对象扩大至包括非族裔群体,社区功能更多表现为商业功能;④ 衰退期或转换期：既可能随着族裔人口和族裔经济的过度分散而进入衰退期,也可能随着外来游客的增多而转变为主要为非族裔群体服务的旅游观光地[21]。这一“族裔社区”的定义相对较为符合本文的研究案例,因此将其作为基本的分析视角和概念加以运用。

关于族裔经济的形成机制,部分学者认为由于主流社会难以满足族裔群体具族裔特色的消费需求（如对某些商品和服务的特殊偏好的消费需求）,因而促使为族裔群体服务的族裔市场的形成;这一族裔市场受族裔人口规模、族裔成员的特殊品位和消费需求、族裔成员自身的不利条件（如不谙当地语言、社会隔离）、族裔文化等因素的共同影响[12]。但是,这仅从族裔群体的视角解释了族裔经济的形成原因,也即内因。在探讨族裔经济的形成机制时,移民接受国的移民政策、社会环境、劳动力市场结构等对族裔经济的影响也不容小觑。因此将从外因和内因两方面对古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成过程进行分析。

3 上海日本族裔经济的形成背景

3.1 在沪外资与外国人数量的增长

中国对外开放政策实施以后,为更好地吸引和利用外资和技术,上海放宽了外商投资政策,加大外资的引进力度。从图1可知,1989-2012年,在上海吸收的外资中,港资一直保持着优势地位,其次是来自日本、美国、台湾、新加坡等国家或地区的资本。从外商投资企业合同数来看,来自香港的外商投资企业合同数从361个（占总合同数的51%,下同）增长至20618个（30%）,日本从95个（13%）增长至9336个（14%）,美国从90个（13%）增长至7219个（11%）;而来自香港的实际利用外资额则从3.1亿美元（占总实际利用外资额的26%,下同）增长到436.1亿美元（33%）,日本从2.3亿美元（19%）增长到161.9亿美元（12%）,美国从2.2亿美元（18%）增长到99.4亿美元（7%）[4]。由此可见,日资是上海引进外资中的重要组成部分。

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图1 1989-2012年上海外商投资企业合同数及实际利用外资额

Fig. 1 Composition of countries (regions) investing in Shanghai from 1989 to 2012

在外资不断流入的过程中,也带动了外国人的迁入。据上海统计年鉴显示,上海市常住外国人口从2000年的45377人增长至2012年的174192人,日本人、美国人和韩国人是其三大构成主体[4]。如图2所示,日本人从2000年的12270人（占总常住外国人口的27%,下同）增加至2012年的39091人（22%）,美国人从6354人（14%）增加至26000人（15%）,韩国人从3294人（7%）增加至20456人（12%）。但是,这些数字存在统计偏小的问题。日本外务省海外在留邦人数调查统计,2012年在沪日本人为57458人[22]。

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图2 2000-2012年上海常住外国人口的变化

Fig. 2 Trends in the number of foreigners in Shanghai from 2000 to 2012

3.2 古北地区日本人聚居区的形成

20世纪90年代,上海形成了当时规模最大的外国人聚居区——“古北新区”。古北新区作为上海第一个涉外商务区（虹桥经济技术开发区）,配套设施于1986年开始兴建,1993年完成一期建设,总规划用地面积136.6万m2,总建筑面积300万m2。其规划目的是为解决外国专家和港澳台同胞等的居住问题,以促进招商引资工作的开展。因此,古北新区配置了相应的办公、商业、文化娱乐、教育等设施,是兼具商业和外贸功能的涉外居住区[23]。

2000年以前,上海并没有就外国人按照国籍进行统计,因此无法得知2000年以前古北新区不同国籍外国人的混合居住状况。但是,根据长期生活在上海的日本人的访谈可知,20世纪90年代,绝大部分在沪外国人都居住在古北新区,并以日本人和美国人的比重最大,这与2000年的上海统计年鉴的数据也较为吻合。

21世纪以后,为应对快速增长的在沪外国人,上海从2003年起解除了对外国人居住地的限制。此后,之前一直处于混居形态的各国籍外国人,开始呈现出居住分离的倾向,也即出现了以国籍为单位的族裔聚居区,如古北新区成为日本人聚居区,闵行区成为韩国人聚居区。同时,古北新区启动了二期扩建计划。因此,以2003年为分界点,日本人聚居区的空间区位、聚居规模乃至政治经济背景都发生了新变化。从图3可以看出,长宁区是日本人居住最为集中的区域,约有43%的日本人居住于此,其次依次是浦东新区（17%）、闵行区（10%）和徐汇区（10%）[24]。根据实地调查,居住于长宁区的日本人实际上大多聚居于古北新区及其周围地区。由此可见,尽管外国人居住地的限制被解除后,古北新区仍是最受日本人欢迎的居住地。这一方面得益于古北新区靠近虹桥经济技术开发区和虹桥机场的区位优势;另一方面,居住环境良好、配套设施完善的古北新区较能满足日本人的居住选择偏好,具备较高的付租能力也支持着其择居行为。

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图3 2010年在沪日本人的居住空间分布

Fig. 3 Distribution of the Japanese expatriates in the urban center of Shanghai, 2010

3.3 古北地区日本族裔经济的萌芽和发展

鉴于日本人居住范围的不断扩大,将古北新区、虹桥地区和仙霞地区定义为“古北地区”（图4）。除古北新区为涉外居住区外,虹桥地区建有日本人学校和不少涉外住宅,吸引大量日本人在此居住。而仙霞地区并不是日本人的居住区,但由于日本领事馆和大量日资企业的办公设施都设立于此,近年来该区域日本族裔经济设施不断增多,可视为日本人聚居区的辐射范围。

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图4 古北地区的日本人住宅分布变化注：资料来自以日本人为服务对象的房地产中介的访谈。

Fig. 4 Changes of the Japanese residences in the Gubei area

在20世纪90年代,由于中国移民政策限制了以自主经营的小资本的商业、服务业等为目的的外国人的入境,导致族裔群体对族裔商品和服务的需求强烈,但族裔经济发展相对滞缓的特殊现象,日本族裔经济也不例外。通过访谈可知,古北地区日本族裔经济的演变与日本人聚居区的发展历程相似,均可分为两个阶段：萌芽阶段（20世纪90年代-2002年）和发展阶段（2003年至今）。

3.3.1 萌芽阶段从图5中可以看出,2002年日本族裔经济设施数量已近百,包括6家教育相关设施（1所日本人学校、2所国际学校、1所幼儿园、2所补习班）,6家日本食品零售业相关设施（1家日本食品专卖店、4家日资超市、1家大型超市）,46家餐饮服务业相关设施及22家其他设施（2所医疗设施、9家房地产中介、5家按摩店、6家美容美发店）。从空间分布上看,日本族裔经济设施主要集中分布在古北新区一期,数量约占总设施的4成以上。与其相毗邻的仙霞地区,特别是涉外宾馆（在20世纪90年代,因工作原因而短期居留的外国人大多住在涉外宾馆）及日本领事馆的附近也有分布,但餐饮服务设施较为常见。

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图5 2002年古北地区日本族裔经济设施的分布

Fig. 5 Distribution of the Japanese facilities in the Gubei area, 2002

尽管在萌芽阶段居住在古北地区的日本人对日本进口商品、日本式服务等日常生活的族裔需求旺盛,但受制于当时的中国移民政策,日本人无法对该领域进行投资经营活动。因此,日本族裔经济有以下特征：地理位置以日本人聚居区为空间依托;其日常生活需求主要由他裔人士（中国人）代为提供。但是,根据对长期生活在上海的日本人的访谈可知,大多日本人对中国人提供的族裔商品和服务并不满意,特别是在日语和日本式服务方面更为明显。此外,在日常生活用品方面,如衣服和日式调味品等,大多日本人表示会直接从日本携带到上海,而较少在当地购买。由此可推测,日本人对中国人提供的族裔经济活动依赖程度较低。

3.3.2 发展阶段从图6可知,2012年日本族裔经济设施数量增长至300家以上,包括：22家教育相关设施（1所日本人学校、2所国际学校、7所托儿所/幼儿园、12所补习班）,16家日本食品零售业相关设施（6家日本食品专卖店、9家日资超市、1家大型超市）,200多家餐饮服务业相关设施及53家其他设施（8所医疗设施、6家房地产中介、13家按摩店、21家美容美发店、5家音像店）。从空间分布上看,日本族裔经济设施遍布整个古北地区,并以古北新区一期的分布最为密集。原因主要包括：① 古北新区一期是日本族裔经济出现最早的地方;② 古北新区一期的房租和店铺租金随古北新区二期的竣工有所下降,从而降低了族裔经济的投资门槛。

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图6 2012年古北地区日本族裔经济设施的分布

Fig. 6 Distribution of the Japanese facilities in the Gubei area, 2012

同时,中国经济政策的调整对日本族裔经济的发展也起到积极的推进作用。2004年6月起实施的《外资投资商业领域管理办法》,放宽了外商投资商业企业的限制,外商获准投资批发、零售、特许经营等商业企业。这一法律法规打破了此前日本族裔经济由中国人主导的局面,日本人经营的族裔经济设施开始出现并逐渐增多,从而极大地满足了日本人的族裔需求。

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图7 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成过程

Fig. 7 Development process of the Japanese ethnic enclave economy

此外,新的群体——拥有在日本生活经历的中国人也开始积极参与到日本族裔经济的经营群体中。他们对日本社会文化较为熟悉,日语掌握程度较高。因此,在一定程度上能迎合日本顾客的需求,如提供符合日本人口味的食品、标准的日文菜单等;以榻榻米、纸灯笼等装潢店铺,营造日本式的氛围环境;聘请日本雇员,重视日本式服务的提供等。这与留学日本的中国留学生归国创业的时期也较为吻合。山下指出,20世纪80-90年代留学日本的中国留学生,主要来自上海市和福建省;来自上海市的留学生在1990年约占中国留学生的17%,2000年占14%[25]。2000年以后,随着上海经济形势发展良好,部分留学生选择归国创业,成为日本族裔经济的重要参与者。

4 上海古北地区日本族裔经济的案例分析

4.1 总体特征

根据本文对族裔经济的重新定义,古北地区的日本族裔经济设施主要可分为四类：① 教育相关：日本人学校、国际学校、托儿所/幼儿园、补习班等;② 食品零售业相关：日本食品专卖店、日资超市、大型超市等;③ 餐饮服务业相关：日本料理店、酒吧;④ 其他：医疗设施、房地产中介、按摩店、美容美发店、音像店等。访谈的21家日本族裔经济设施中,No.1~16为日本人经营,No.17~21为中国人经营（表2）。

Tab. 2

表2

表2 古北地区日本族裔经济设施经营者的访谈

Tab. 2 Interviews of self-employed Japanese in the Gubei area

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概括而言,受访的日本族裔经济设施主要有以下特点。首先,从开业时间来看,2004年前开业的有7家,之后开业的有14家,并以2008年后开业的设施居多。2004年前开业的日本人经营的设施,主要通过合资或以中国人为营业执照法人的形式取得合法经营权。从地理位置来看,80%的设施（17家）位于古北新区,并以古北新区一期最为集中。从雇员的国籍构成来看,雇佣中国人的族裔经济设施居多,根据店铺的业务规模其人数为2~30人。日本雇员在人数上相对较少,但大多以管理者身份负责店铺的经营和业务管理,同时解决中国雇员和日本顾客间的语言沟通障碍问题。

其次,日本族裔经济设施的顾客以日本人为主,中国人和他裔人士为辅。通过访谈可知,15家（71%）设施的日本顾客超过8成,其中No.10的幼儿园、No.13的日本料理店和No.15的房地产中介专门为日本人服务。但也存在以他裔顾客为主的设施,如No.14的女装店,约有9成的顾客为中国人,其原因包括：开业时间短,日本人对该店铺的认知程度还很低;日本人在服装消费方面有从日本携带的倾向;经营者精通中文等。

此外,日本经营者在沪创业的动机则可归结为以下几点：① 日本经济发展停滞,促使部分日本人到海外寻求就业、创业机会;② 中国市场对外开放程度加深,使日本人投资族裔经济领域成为可能;③ 在沪日本人口规模的增长,刺激“族裔市场”扩大进而提供了大量创业机会;④ 大多受访者,如No.2、No.4、No.7、No.10、No.11、No.12、No.13、No.14、No.15的经营者,拥有在中国留学或居住的丰富经历,这成为日后在上海创业的契机。而中国经营者,除上述的拥有在日本生活经历的理由外,也有出于族裔经济的商业利润较高的考虑。在现阶段,在沪日本人口仍保持着明显的增长趋势,其“族裔市场”仍有很大的发展空间。因此,在稳固现有族裔经济设施经营的前提下,大部分经营者表达了将来扩大规模、开设分店的意愿。

4.2 实证案例分析

4.2.1 No.2,杂货店 No.2的杂货店开业于2002年,创业初始时为一小规模的二手商品店。店铺的经营业务主要是低价收购日本人使用过的商品,包括：日本制造的电器产品、游戏光盘、音像制品和日文书籍等,并进行再出售处理。有别于国内的二手商品店,该店铺出售的商品不仅新旧程度良好,像电器产品类还负责售后服务,是一种在日本较为常见的店铺类型。

经营者的创业动机简述如下：由于大多在沪日本人是从日本派遣过来的公司职员及其家属,在派遣期满（3~5年）后回国前往往面临着日常生活用品的处理问题。经营者于1997-2001年间曾作为公司的派遣职员在上海生活,对该问题有切身体会,并从中发现了商机。此外,二手商品店对创业资金要求相对较低。因此,经营者在退休后返回上海,选择在日本人聚居的古北新区开设了二手商品店。由于日本人的人口规模增长和流动频繁,店铺业务逐步扩大,从二手商品店转变为包括销售全新商品的杂货店,并开设了两家分店。现阶段,该店铺的顾客以日本人和中国人为主,分别占总顾客的50%与45%,剩余的5%为韩国人。除经营者外,所有雇员均为中国人。

4.2.2 No.4,茶叶店 No.4是2007年开业于古北新区,以销售中国茶叶为主的茶叶店。该店铺主要面向日本人群体,日本顾客占98%以上。经营者2002年时曾在北京学习中文和中国茶艺文化,这一经历是其决心在上海创业的最主要原因。除经营者夫妇外,另聘有3名较为熟练掌握日语的中国雇员。经营者在销售茶叶的同时,还兼营各种中国文化兴趣班,传授中国茶艺文化和中华饮食文化等。经营者本人主要负责中国茶艺文化的兴趣班,其配偶负责中华料理和传统包点的培训班。此外,经营者还定期邀请精通日语的中国老师开设其他各种兴趣班。兴趣班的利用者大多为日本家庭主妇——受中国法律约束无法在当地就业、经济较为富裕的特殊群体。这些兴趣班成为日本人与当地社会交流的重要媒介,不仅丰富了日本家庭主妇的闲暇活动,同时也向当地日本人社区传播中国文化,加深他们对当地社会文化的理解。

4.2.3 No.10,幼儿园 No.10是2008年开业于古北新区,兼具托儿所功能的幼儿园。幼儿园主要采用日托和小时托两种方式。日托的利用者主要为双职工家庭,小时托主要解决小孩在家庭主妇外出购物或与朋友聚会期间,或放学后到家长下班期间无人看管的问题。幼儿园的通用语言仅为日语,主要面向父母双方或者一方为日本人的小孩,小孩年龄从3个月到8岁不等。在访谈过程中,就碰到同时使用日语、英语或中文的混血儿童。由于该幼儿园为小孩提供与日本相似的成长环境,有利于小孩回国后继续接受日本的教育,因此广受日本家长追捧。幼儿园的师资力量包括经营者、3名日本幼师以及2名熟练掌握日语的中国幼师,此外还雇佣了1名中国清洁人员。幼儿园的经营时间从周一到周五,平均每天需要照顾18名小孩左右。2011年东日本大地震后,生源数量有所增加。

经营者于1990-1994年在北京经营一所幼儿园,并由此与该幼儿园的前园长相识。由于前园长婚后搬到苏州居住的缘故,不得不放弃该幼儿园的经营权。为避免对该幼儿园利用者造成困扰,受前园长的委托,经营者接管该幼儿园并经营至今。

4.2.4 No.20,中文教室 No.20的经营者是隶属于古北地区一所民办语言培训机构,并以日本人为对象的中文教师。经营者的教授对象大多为日本家庭主妇。生源高峰期为2006-2007年,每月固定的学生人数为20多人。2008年以后,受在沪日资公司削减派遣人员的影响,学生人数有所减少,到2013年仅剩10人左右。作为应对策略,经营者充分发挥日语能力优势,针对中国高中生开展日语家教课程。

经营者于20世纪60年代出生在上海,青年时期受当时到日本留学、打工热潮的影响,远赴日本留学,并在毕业后进入日本公司就职,前后在日本生活了18年,是名副其实的“日本通”。进入21世纪,相比日本的经济发展缓慢,上海经济形势良好并保持着较快的增长势头,经营者决心举家返回上海谋求发展,并利用其语言优势开展事业。回国后经营者仍以志愿者身份每年探访日本的神奈川地区,参与当地的活动组织,积极推进中日交流和理解。

4.2.5 No.21,日本料理店 No.21是2009年开业于仙霞地区,以附近的日资公司职员为主要服务对象的日本料理店。从顾客构成来看,约有85%为日本人,15%为中国人。该店铺共有雇员13名,包括1名日本人和12名中国人。作为针对日本人的料理店,经营者非常注重服务质量。为提供更正宗的日式服务,经营者采用了以下策略：提拔日本雇员为店长,负责管理店面的同时,对中国雇员在接待客人和学习日语方面进行培训和指导;提供免费宿舍让日本雇员与中国雇员共同居住,旨在让中国雇员在日常生活中体会日本人的日常生活习惯和思考方式等。此外,经营者还每年参加日本东京和九州地区所举办的饮食研讨会,注意掌握日本饮食方面的最新动态。

经营者20世纪70年代出生在上海,于1988-1995年在日本度过了青年时期。经营者在语言学校学习日语的同时,以勤工俭学的方式积累了大量工作经验,因此熟知日本社会文化。1995-2007年远赴新西兰,从事日本料理店的相关工作,经历了从底层的洗碗工到店员、厨师、店长的升职过程,从中掌握了大量关于日本料理店经营的知识和技巧。2007年,经营者捉住国内的创业机遇回国发展,开设了这家日本料理店,并计划近年内在中国的其他大城市开设多家连锁分店。

5 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成特征

5.1 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成过程

20世纪90年代,古北地区只有少数日本族裔经济设施。除日本人学校外,大多设施的经营者及雇员均为中国人。由于古北地区在当时被定位为涉外居住区,中国经营者及雇员大多居住在古北地区以外的地方。上述现象并不符合传统的族裔经济模式,即由族裔群体经营、为族裔同胞提供工作岗位、经营者及雇员大多居住在族裔聚居区内。这一中国模式的族裔经济,很大程度上与中国非移民国家的定位密切相关。20世纪90年代,中国严格控制外国人入境,除跨国公司派遣的外国职员、拥有大量资本的外国投资者外,其他如以小资本创业和当地就业为目的的外国人进入中国的门槛较高。以日本人为例,在沪日本人口在20世纪90年代期间增长缓慢,到2000年时尚不足万人,且大多持有日资公司派遣职员及其家属的身份属性,是日本族裔经济的需求者和消费者,而族裔经济的提供者在中国移民政策的制约下被拒之门外。因此,传统的族裔经济模式由于族裔经营者及族裔劳动力的缺失而无法在中国形成。在此背景下,中国经营者及中国雇员实际上代替族裔群体为日本人提供了日常生活所需的商品和服务,其经营活动可以说是在中国特殊国情下出现的族裔经济行为,因此导致日本族裔经济发展缓慢,远远落后于日本人聚居区的发展。

进入21世纪,在沪日本人口快速增长,2001年首次突破万人,2004年以34122人超越香港成为中国最大的日本人聚集城市,2011年更以56481人超越纽约成为世界第二大日本人海外聚集城市,12年间增长6倍左右[22]。在沪日本人数量的增多,促使古北地区日本人聚居区迅速发展的同时,也刺激了对族裔经济需求的增长。2004年后中国部分商业领域对外国人开放,外国人获准在中国开展族裔经济的相关经营活动。在此背景下,以创业为目的进入上海的日本人开始增多,并成为经营日本族裔经济设施群体的主力。为降低经营成本,日本经营者倾向于聘请中国雇员;而拥有留日经历的中国经营者为保持设施的“族裔属性”,在聘请中国雇员的同时注意吸纳日本雇员。换言之,古北地区的日本族裔经济是以中国人和日本人经营为主、以中国雇员为主要劳动力的一种特殊的聚居区族裔经济模式,该模式也是其区别于其他国家族裔经济的重要特征之一（图7）。此外,日本族裔经济的服务对象更为多元化,从以日本人为主转变为以日本人为主、他裔人士为辅。如在沪日本人广为熟知的No.16,是销售日本进口的调味品、零食及新鲜蔬果、海产品（主要是寿司和刺身）的日资超市。该超市开业于1999年,2013年在古北地区共开设有5家分店。通过对该店店长的访谈可知,超市的日均顾客约300人,约80%为居住在古北地区的日本人,20%左右为港澳台同胞,而来自古北地区外,甚至上海市外（苏州、昆山等）的日本顾客也并不少见。服务对象的多元化倾向也存在于其他的日本族裔经济设施。近年来,受日本文化影响而到古北地区寻找日本美食、日本时尚和日本动漫产品的中国年轻人正逐渐增多。

5.2 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的特征

5.2.1 日本人聚居区族裔经济的兴起与上海“国际化城市”的定位及积极引进外资的发展战略密切相关。日资作为上海利用外资的重要构成部分,通过日资企业的方式开展跨国经济活动。日资企业的经营策略是将本国职员派遣到投资国,通过公司职员达到增强与总公司联系的目的。这一经营策略为上海输送了大量以日资公司派遣职员为代表的高端人才,间接促进了高端移民聚居区的形成。日资公司派遣职员及其家属对族裔经济的需求最为旺盛,而相对较高的社会经济地位确保其有足够的经济能力去消费各种具有日本族裔特色的商品和服务。因此,日本人聚居区族裔经济的兴起,是以日资企业主导下形成的高端移民聚居区为地理空间载体的。

5.2.2 日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成与日本经营者追求经济利润的动机密切相关。由于大多日本人在沪短期居留,没有充裕时间适应当地社会的他们倾向于选择日本的生活方式,对日本进口商品和母语、日本式服务的需求更为迫切,同时他们也具备满足特殊族裔需求的经济能力。与当地居民利用的日常生活设施相比,日本族裔经济设施的消费水平更高。如日本人经营的美容美发店的剪发服务人均消费约为200元,比国内高出几倍。日本经营者受经济利润驱使,利用自身的语言与文化优势,再加上在母国获得的先进教育和技术水平,主动移居上海创业。因此,与传统的族裔经济相比,日本人聚居区族裔经济形成的原因并非是面对主流社会和经济的排斥和歧视而进行的被动选择,而是预期的收益利润更高。

5.2.3 日本人聚居区族裔经济的功能主要是满足族裔群体日常生活所需的各种商品和服务,但并未形成为族裔成员提供大量就业机会的功能。受中国移民政策的影响,在沪外国人并非处于弱势的低端移民群体,因此为其提供避免失业的机会及提升社会经济地位的功能的传统族裔经济并没有发挥作用的必要性。其次,相比族裔劳动力市场,进入主流社会的劳动力市场所获得的收入更高,特别是上海大量的日资企业,可以提供充分的就业岗位。再者,日本人聚居区族裔经济以个体经营者居多,个体经营者一方面对族裔劳动力的需求不高,另一方面,更青眯较易获得的和相对廉价的当地劳动力。现阶段,少数作为日本族裔经济设施雇员的日本人,从访谈中可知其职业选择大多是出于积累资金和工作经验的考虑,为日后在沪创业或到跨国公司就职做好充分的职业规划准备。

5.2.4 日本人聚居区族裔经济的服务辐射范围日益广泛。 2003年以后,随着外国人获准在古北地区外的地区居住,日本人的居住空间呈现出大聚居、小分散的特征,即大部分聚居在古北地区,小部分居住在浦东新区、徐汇区、闵行区等。现阶段,上海市内已形成多个日本人聚居区,并以古北地区日本人聚居区的规模最大,浦东新区次之。但是,日本族裔经济的发展并没有与日本人聚居区的发展保持一致。上海的日本族裔经济设施,极大部分分布在古北地区,具有高度的空间集聚特征。从2012-2013年期间调查问卷的结果可知,即使是居住在其他地区的日本人也普遍存在利用古北地区日本族裔经济设施的倾向。换言之,古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的服务范围已涵盖整个上海市,解决了其他日本人聚居区中族裔经济设施匮乏的问题。

6 结论与讨论

6.1 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成原因

古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成原因可从外因和内因两方面进行剖析。

首先,日本人聚居区族裔经济形成的外因,可认为是中国移民政策的影响。作为非传统移民国家的中国,日本人的进入和居住是近20多年来的国际化现象之一。但受中国移民政策的限制,在沪日本人大多为跨国公司派遣职员及其家属,居住地在20世纪90年代被局限于涉外居住区,形成被动隔离。同时,日本领事馆从淮海中路迁址至古北地区的万山路,也吸引了部分出于居住安全而主动选择居住在古北地区的日本人。随着涉外居住区内日本居住者人数的增多,日本人聚居区逐渐成型,为此后出现的族裔经济提供了地理空间载体。但是问题随之而来,作为跨国公司派遣职员及其家属的日本人大多为族裔经济的消费者,而族裔经济的提供者,即族裔经营者的大量出现则始于中国移民政策有所放松后的2004年。换言之,族裔经济的地理空间载体的形成及提供者的出现,主要与中国移民政策的松紧程度密切相关。

其次,日本人聚居区族裔经济形成的内因,则可从日本人的日常生活需求、文化意识和身份认同等方面得到解释。作为单一民族的日本人,对日本特有的传统文化、生活方式非常重视,特别是在饮食习惯上倾向于选择和食,日本的调味品、寿司、刺身等更是不可缺少。族裔经济的存在不仅有助于降低族裔群体与当地社会的矛盾和冲突、加强同胞间的相互扶持,同时对族裔个体的身份和文化认同也发挥积极的作用[26]。除上述原因外,海外日本人的封闭性也是重要的内因,特别是语言障碍所带来的封闭性在非英语圈国家中更为明显。尽管在日常购物方面,通过身体语言可以一定程度上消解这一问题,但在服务业领域,特别是美容美发、医疗、教育等方面,语言障碍的影响却具有放大效应。换言之,语言不通阻碍了日本人的社会融入,加剧了日本人社区的封闭性。因此,日本人聚居区族裔经济是在非移民国家的政策制约下及日本人社区的封闭性共同作用下形成的一种特殊族裔空间景观。

6.2 古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的未来

从日本人聚居区及族裔经济的发展现状来看,古北地区的日本人社区正处于族裔社区演变模型的第二阶段,即居住与商业功能紧密结合的族裔聚居与族裔经济共生期[21]。目前,日本人聚居区族裔经济正发挥积极的集聚效应,刺激族裔经济设施和人口规模的进一步扩大。但是,由于日本人聚居区的构成主体及族裔经济的服务对象大多为日资企业的派遣职员及其家属,导致其维持和发展高度依赖于当地的日资企业。日资企业今后在上海的发展动向,将会对日本人社区产生深远影响,既可能随着日资企业的投资增加而进一步发展,也可能随日资企业的撤资而陷入衰退状态。因此古北地区的日本人社区带有明显的脆弱性,不仅受日本对沪投资的影响,日本人聚居区族裔经济也难以脱离日本人聚居区而独立发展。由此可推断,日本人社区将很可能在长期内维持在第二阶段的共生期,此后跳过第三阶段的族裔经济主导期而直接进入第四阶段的衰退期或转换期。

随着时代发展,影响族裔社区演变的因素更为复杂,特别是像拥有非移民国家和社会主义国家双重属性的中国,国家政策和社会环境的改变对族裔聚居区及族裔经济的形成和发展所带来的影响不可估量,从而决定了中国案例的族裔聚居区和族裔经济的特殊性,其演变模式尚需进行多方面的分析和研究。

6.3 讨论

古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济作为上海市参与经济全球化及对全球化影响做出响应的产物,同时是日本人社区得以维持和持续发展的重要因素。日本族裔经济的存在不仅解决了日本人在日常生活方面对具有族裔特色商品和服务的特殊需求,一定程度上也消解了因不谙当地语言而产生的心理恐惧。同时,族裔经济中大量以日语为主要标识的广告、店铺招牌等作为特殊的族裔语言景观,将日本文化带进古北地区的同时,缓解了日本人对海外生活的各种不适应,使其与当地居民在不同文化习俗、社会观念和生活方式前提下实现和平共处。因此,族裔经济不仅是国际移民社区的重要构成主体,其对国际移民社区的可持续发展也至关重要。而国际移民社区的可持续发展对以国际移民为载体的跨国经济活动的顺利开展具有重大意义。

现阶段,除古北地区的日本人社区外,其他以国籍为单元,甚至跨国籍的国际移民社区在上海业已形成。这些在全球化背景下新近出现的国际移民社区不仅为城市带来多元文化和注入新活力,也促使国际移民在投资、消费等经济活动与当地社会相联系,特别是其独特的生活习惯、消费模式以及宗教文化对当地社会的服务业态产生较大影响,刺激了族裔经济的形成和发展,并进而形成特殊的族裔空间景观。国际移民社区和族裔经济对增强国际移民的本地根植性具有积极意义,但同时其自身所带有的“排他性”也是社会种族隔离的重要符号,既隔断了国际移民与当地居民的互动和相互了解,也不利于国际移民的社会融入。国际移民社区作为城市中的“排他空间”,从中可窥见中国的城市管理体系和国际化发展正面临着如何协调开放社会与国际移民之间冲突、优化城市秩序、促进族群社会融合等新挑战。同时,国际移民社区也给中国大城市带来了新的社会空间分化和异文化冲突等一系列问题。特别是在上海,以跨国公司派遣职员及其家属为代表的国际移民阶层,与外来人口、农民工等为代表的国内移民阶层,在劳动力市场、经济收入、住房等方面两极分化明显,城市社会空间正面临着新的重塑。在经济全球化时代,如何合理管理和引导国际移民社区,是今后城市规划和移民管理的重大课题。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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摘要

本文采用第一手调研资料、通过长期实地调研，揭示广州“巧克力城”-中国的典型非洲人族裔经济区的发展历程与机制。研究揭示跨国商贸者跨越国界展开商贸活动，以族裔经济区为载体，进而推动地方重构的历史进程。研究表明：当代中国大城市的外国人“族裔经济区”的兴起与中国的“世界工厂”地位密切相关；非裔商入经由非洲到欧洲、北美、中亚、东南亚而后转入中国；在由全球到地方的多尺度社会、经济和政治力量影响下，“巧克力城”的演化已历经三个阶段：兴起期、繁盛期和衰退期，其社会空间也经历了“兴起中的族裔经济区”、“繁荣中的族裔经济区”和“衰退中的族裔经济区”等三种形态，体现当代全球要素与地方要素互动的即时性与不稳定性。

[Li Zhigang, Du Feng.The transnational making of 'chocolate city' in Guangzhou. Human Geography, 2012, 27(6): 7-12.]

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

[10]

Bonacich E, Modell J.The Economic Basis of Ethnic Solidarity: Small Business in the Japanese American Community. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980.

https://doi.org/10.2307/2756952

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

Bonacich and Modell explore class and ethnic behavior as reflected in the history of Japanese Americans in the Unites States. They demonstrate that involvement

[11]

Reitz J G.The Survival of Ethnic Groups. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1980.

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

The survival of ethnic groups Jeffrey G. Reitz （McGraw-Hill Ryerson series in Canadian sociology） McGraw-Hill Ryerson, c1980

[12]

Aldrich H E, Waldinger R.Ethnicity and entrepreneurship. Annual Review of Sociology, 1990, 16(1): 111-135.

https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(90)90048-V

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[本文引用: 2]

摘要

Endothelin (ET) is a potent vasoconstrictor peptide produced by vascular endothelial cells. Three distinct human endothelin genes were cloned and analysed. The results demonstrated that there were three distinct mRNAs for ET and that TPA-responsive element, mRNA stabilizing sequence, motifs for binding site of nuclear factor 1 and acute phase reactant regulatory elements were recognized in preproform ET-1 gene.

[13]

Kaplan D H.The spatial structure of urban ethnic economies. Urban Geography, 1998, 19(6): 489-501.

https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.19.6.489

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

Most studies of the economic activity of ethnic and immigrant groups have been conducted with little regard to their spatial conditions and consequences. At the same time, geographic concentration or clustering of residences and businesses is often cited as a significant element in the formation of ethnic economies. This paper argues that spatial location may operate as a defined resource in enhancing the prospects of ethnic businesses. Specifically, it examines how the geographical concentration of residences or the clustering of businesses may operate to incubate beginning businesses, foster linkages between businesses, increase the opportunities for the establishment of additional businesses, and serve as an economic and cultural focus for the ethnic community. The paper then speculates on how the spatial patterns generated by ethnic economic activity will vary depending on the type of resources utilized, the sectoral composition of the ethnic economy, and the maturity of the economy.

[14]

Li W.Los Angeles's Chinese ethnoburb: From ethnic service center to global economy outpost. Urban Geography, 1998, 19(6): 502-517.

https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.19.6.502

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[本文引用: 2]

摘要

The spatial relationship between an ethnic economy and an ethnic community is a topic of debate. The question is whether an enclave can be related to a particular spatial residential form or considered only as an economic form. I have proposed a new model of ethnic settlement: ethnoburbs, which can be recognized as suburban ethnic clusters of residential areas and business districts in large metropolitan areas. The establishment of the Chinese ethnoburb in Los Angeles's San Gabriel Valley has occurred within a framework of global, national, and place-specific conditions. This paper will address the forces underlying the development of the San Gabriel Valley ethnoburb. In particular, I emphasize (1) the relationship between the growth of an ethnoburb and its economic structure, by demonstrating the changing functions of an ethno-burban ethnic economy with its extensive international connections and its close ties to the globalized mainstream economy; and (2) the nature of the San Gabriel Valley ethnoburb as a global economic outpost in the global city of Los Angeles.

[15]

Waldinger R, Ward R, Aldrich H E, et al.Ethnic entrepreneurs: immigrant business in industrial societies. In: Waldinger R, McEvoy D, Aldrich H E, et al. Spatial Dimensions of Opportunity Structures. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1990: 106-130.

https://doi.org/10.2307/2072935

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ABSTRACT Despite the growth of new ethnic populations on both sides of the Atlantic, scholarly work existing at the outset of the 1990s had not presented consistent findings on the determinants and implications of the spread of ethnic enterprise. Most studies had generated, but not tested, hypotheses. The present studies examine ethnic entrepreneurship by presenting and using a model of immigrant enterprise. The primary focus is on migrant experience in Western industrial societies of the post-World War II period. Chapter 1, "Opportunities, Group Characteristics, and Strategies," presents a model of immigrant enterprise that serves as a context for the subsequent chapters. The model offers an explanation for immigrant enterprise that emphasizes the interaction between the opportunity structure of the host society and the group characteristics and social structure of the immigrant community. The entry barriers into small-scale enterprises are lowered to immigrants with limited capital. Opportunities for ownership arise in the process of ethnic succession, as older groups move into higher social positions and leave behind vacancies for new small business owners. Two kinds of group characteristics that promote recruitment into entrepreneurial positions are identified: first, the situational constraints faced by immigrants, as well as certain groups' cultural norms, breed a predisposition toward efficient performance in work settings, especially in small business; second, resource mobilization is facilitated if immigrant firms can draw on their connections with a supply of family and ethnic labor. Chapter 2, "Trends in Ethnic Business in the United States" and Chapter 3, "European Trends in Ethnic Business," use the model developed in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 discusses small business and ethnic entrepreneurship trends in the US and compares the experiences of four ethnic groups: African Americans, Chinese, Koreans, and Cubans. Chapter 3 applies the model to four European countries: England, France, West Germany, and the Netherlands. Chapter 4, "Spatial Dimensions of Opportunity Structures," discusses the influence of spatial arrangements on ethnic business; it examines the effects of the variations in opportunity structures on the pattern of business development. Chapter 5, "Ethnic Entrepreneurs, and Ethnic Strategies," examines the strategies employed by ethnic entrepreneurs to create solutions to problems facing their enterprises. These strategies

[16]

Min P G.Cultural and economic boundaries of Korean ethnicity: A comparative analysis. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 1991, 14(2): 225-241.

https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1991.9993708

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

This article explains Korean immigrants' ethnicity in the United States, focusing on their cultural homogeneity and economic concentration. Korean immigrants are a culturally homogeneous group in terms of a common language, a set of common customs and values, and a commonality in historical experiences. This cultural homogeneity and lack of subgroup differences provide a cultural basis of Korean ethnicity. Moreover, the vast majority of Korean immigrant families are affiliated with Korean immigrant churches, which facilitates Koreans' fellowship and retention of the Korean cultural tradition. In addition, Korean immigrants concentrate in a limited range of small businesses,' and this occupational segregation provides an economic basis of Korean ethnicity.

[17]

Portes A.The social origins of the Cuban enclave economy of Miami. Sociological Perspectives, 1987, 30(4): 340-372.

https://doi.org/10.2307/1389209

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

Recent field work on the origins of the Cuban ethnic economy in South Florida is reviewed in the context of competing theories of minority entrepreneurship. Sociological theories that emphasize contextual characteristics internal to the group itself appear to fit best the empirical evidence. They do not clarify, however, the dynamic aspects of the process--that is, the actual steps through which individual and family business goals become implemented. A typology of minority enterprise on the basis of background characteristics of its founders is developed. Implications of the Miami experience for theory and policies aimed at promoting self-employment among minorities are discussed.

[18]

Portes A, Jensen L.The enclave and the entrants: Patterns of ethnic enterprise in Miami before and after Mariel. American Sociological Review, 1989, 54(6): 929-949.

https://doi.org/10.2307/2096244

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[本文引用: 1]

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This paper examines the adoption of a conservation practice among Illinois farmers from the perspective of the importance of agroecological and conservation policy influences. Farmers in one agricultural region adopted the conservation practice of no-till agriculture earlier and to a greater extent than those in another. Evidence shows that policy changes were not accompanied by changes in farmers' motivations for adopting no-till. If anything, farmers adopting in the period after the policy changes were less likely to adopt for conservation and erosion control reasons than in the period before the policy changes. The research concludes that, whereas a shift in policy may have resulted in the desired behavioral change, it has not resulted in influencing no-till adoption for conservation reasons. Farmers' future behavior is unlikely to be directly affected by conservation legislation and policy.

[19]

Light I, Sabagh G, Bozorgmehr M, et al.Beyond the ethnic enclave economy. Social Problems, 1994, 41(1): 65-80.

https://doi.org/10.2307/3096842

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

The terms ''ethnic economy'' and ''ethnic enclave economy'' designate an immigrant or minority business and employment sector that coexists with the general economy. Users often treat these terms as synonymous. In fact, they are not. The concept of ethnic enclave economy derives from the labor segmentation literature, whereas the concept of ethnic economy derives from the middleman minorities literature. The derivations have shaped the problems that both concepts address. The strenuous debate about relative wages in the ethnic enclave versus the general economy is a case in point. When conceptualized in terms of an ethnic economy, the salience of this debate greatly diminishes. Agreeing that the concept of ethnic enclave economy is useful, we nonetheless claim that it is less general than the older concept of the ethnic economy. Indeed, we show that the ethnic enclave economy is really a special case of the ethnic economy. Evidence for this conclusion derives, in part, from our survey of Iranian immigrants in Los Angeles, the results of which fit the older ethnic economy concept but cannot be squeezed into the concept of an ethnic enclave economy.

[20]

Light I, Bonacich E.Immigrant entrepreneurs: Koreans in Los Angeles, 1965-1982. California: University of California Press, 1991.

https://doi.org/10.1080/07303084.1984.10629690

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

Between 1975 and 1982, Korean immigrants entered the entrepreneurial population of Los Angeles in great numbers. They brought new capital and entrepreneurial vi

[21]

杉浦直. エスニック・タウンの生成・発展モデルと米国日本人街における検証. 季刊地理学, 2011, 63(3): 125-146.

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[本文引用: 2]

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There have been few articles focusing on the general aspects of ethnic towns or ethnic business enclaves, particularly their formation and expansion. However, Kaplan (1998) discussed the spatial resources to influence the ethnic economy and identified four general ways in which spatial concentration may help ethnic businesses;i.e. incubator, linkages, agglomeration, and focus. It should be noted that we can translate his schema into a discussion of the developmental stages of an ethnic town. In this paper, the author proposes a model of ethnic town formation and development based in part on Kaplan's discussion. An ethnic town is supposed, in the present author's model, to develop typically through four stages; 1) a germination stage, in which an ethnic residential community operates as an incubator for coethnic small businesses, 2) an agglomerated ethnic town stage, in which an ethnic town grows to an integrated enclave of coethnic businesses and residents, 3) an ethnic business town stage, in which an concentrated ethnic economy continues to serve a more spatially dispersed coethnic residential community as well as the nonethnic population of the more extensive host society, and 4) a vestiges stage, in which some ethnic businesses remain in the former ethnic town area after many coethnic residents as well as businesses have been dispersed into urban areas. This model is utilized by the author to illuminate issues in the formation and expansion of four Japantowns on the West Coast of the United States, ones which the author has researched before:Little Tokyo in Los Angeles, San Francisco's Japantown, San Jose's Japantown, and Seattle's Japantown. The results are principally consistent with the model proposed by the author, namely each stage of the model has its counterpart in the development of real Japantowns, with all four Japantowns discussed here experiencing similar stages of transformation. However, full development to the ethnic business town stage was only found in the cases of San Francisco's Japantown and Little Tokyo in Los Angeles. Both experienced large-scale urban redevelopment projects from the late 1960s to the 1970s, introducing big capital as well as an influx of new business people from Japan. In contrast, the redevelopment was very limited in San Jose's Japantown area, where it seems to have stagnated at a comparatively earlier stage. Seattle's Japantown is considered to be now in the vestige stage and seems to have lacked the full ethnic business town stage, or experienced only a very short ethnic business town stage in the past. In this area, the nature of redevelopment was quite different from those in San Francisco's Japantown or Little Tokyo; for example, the community-based redevelopment process, proceeding from the early 1970's to the early 1990's, was divided into many small projects without an introduction of large amounts of outside capital, underlining the complex Asian character of the so-called International District (including the Japantown area). The differences in each case and the deviation from the model as appeared in the above are considered to be caused by the following factors:differences in the size and nature of the original ethnic town and the spatial relationships with other ethnic towns, not to mention the differences caused by internal forces within an ethnic town and those caused by external forces from outside the ethnic town. Furthermore, the study findings seem to indicate that a full development to ethnic business town stage cannot be realized without additional external stimuli, such as the introduction of new capital or an influx of new immigrants with strong entrepreneurial spirits. Accordingly, the current linear model would seem to require modification and/or elaboration into a more flexible one.

[Sugiura T.A model of ethnic town formation and development applied to four Japantowns, or concentrated Japanese ethnic business communities, in America. Quarterly Journal of Geography, 2011, 63(3): 125-146.]

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[本文引用: 2]

摘要

[22]

日本外务省. 海外在留邦人数调查统计: 平成23年. , 2014-10-03.

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[本文引用: 2]

[Consular and Migration Policy Division, Consular Affairs Bureau, Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Annual report of statistics on Japanese nationals overseas 2011. , 2014-10-03.]

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[本文引用: 2]

[23]

郑希平. 跨世纪建筑的航母: 古北新区. 国际市场, 1997, (4): 22-23.

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

正飞临上海虹桥国际机场上空,从舷窗向东南鸟瞰,占地136.61公顷的上海古北新区,象一艘跨世纪建筑的航空母舰,在上海西部的万顷碧波中航行。随着上海城区的发展,80年代初,这里被列入疏散

[Zheng Xiping.The Gubei new district: Stand for century architecture. International Market, 1997, (4): 22-23.]

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[本文引用: 1]

摘要

[24]

上海市统计局. 上海2010年人口普查资料. 北京: 中国统计出版社, 2012.

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[本文引用: 1]

[Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Statistics. Tabulation on the 2010 Population Census of Shanghai Municipality. Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2012.]

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[本文引用: 1]

[25]

山下清海, 小木裕文, 松村公明, 等. 福建省福清出身の在日新華僑とその僑郷. 地理空間, 2010, 3(1): 1-23.

[本文引用: 1]

[Yamashita K, Ogi H, Matsumara K, et al.Development of Fangzheng country in Harbin municipality as a hometown of new Chinese migrants in Japan. Geographical Space, 2010, 3(1): 1-23.]

[本文引用: 1]

[26]

山下清海. 民族集団のすみわけに関する都市社会地理学的研究の展望. 人文地理, 1984, 36(4): 312-326.

[本文引用: 1]

[Yamashita K.Studies on the ethnic segregation in urban social geography. Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 1984, 36(4): 312-326.]

[本文引用: 1]

2012

... 随着经济全球化的不断深化,人口的跨国迁移日益频繁,其迁移模式已打破传统的单向模式,呈现出多元化倾向.除欠发达国家向发达国家的迁移外,如发展中国家的相互迁移、发达国家向发展中国家的迁移等也日益增多[1].在中国,入境外国人的规模增长始于20世纪90年代,但其社会经济活动很大程度上受制于中国严格的移民限制[2].作为传统的非移民国家,中国对外国人的居留、就业等管理严格.如规定持居留证件的外国人未经政府主管机关允许,不得在中国就业.这些限制延缓了外国人进入中国居留的规模和速度.但截至2010年,根据第六次全国人口普查,在华居留三个月以上的常住外国人数量仍有60万之多,比10年前增长了4倍[3].这说明,严格限制并未能阻挡外国人入境增长的趋势.为何中国对在华外国人的居留就业限制多多,但其人口规模还是持续扩大?究其原因,一方面与中国经济持续增长带来的就业需求有关;另一方面族裔经济的发展也是一个重要因素.因为族裔经济所构建的服务体系使在华外国人在日常生活中遇到的诸多问题可以得到解决.族裔经济到底解决了在华外国人的哪些问题?对中国的移民政策及移民理论构建有何启示?这即是本文的着眼点. ...

2012

2013

... 现阶段,在华外国人主要分布在上海、北京、广州等大城市,其中以上海的外国人集聚规模最大.2010年上海常住外国人为162481人,占全国常住外国人总数的27%;过半数的常住外国人为外资企业工作人员及家属,占总人口的60%（96750人）,其次为留学人员及家属,占9%（14654人）[4].按国别来看,日本人以35075人成为上海市最大的外国人群体,其人口数约占在华日本人的53%,上海常住外国人的22%;其次为美国人和韩国人,分别占上海常住外国人的15%（24358人）和13%（21073人）[4].上海最典型的外国人聚居区就是古北日本人聚居区,因此以古北地区为例进行案例研究. ...

... [4].上海最典型的外国人聚居区就是古北日本人聚居区,因此以古北地区为例进行案例研究. ...

... 中国对外开放政策实施以后,为更好地吸引和利用外资和技术,上海放宽了外商投资政策,加大外资的引进力度.从图1可知,1989-2012年,在上海吸收的外资中,港资一直保持着优势地位,其次是来自日本、美国、台湾、新加坡等国家或地区的资本.从外商投资企业合同数来看,来自香港的外商投资企业合同数从361个（占总合同数的51%,下同）增长至20618个（30%）,日本从95个（13%）增长至9336个（14%）,美国从90个（13%）增长至7219个（11%）;而来自香港的实际利用外资额则从3.1亿美元（占总实际利用外资额的26%,下同）增长到436.1亿美元（33%）,日本从2.3亿美元（19%）增长到161.9亿美元（12%）,美国从2.2亿美元（18%）增长到99.4亿美元（7%）[4].由此可见,日资是上海引进外资中的重要组成部分. ...

... 在外资不断流入的过程中,也带动了外国人的迁入.据上海统计年鉴显示,上海市常住外国人口从2000年的45377人增长至2012年的174192人,日本人、美国人和韩国人是其三大构成主体[4].如图2所示,日本人从2000年的12270人（占总常住外国人口的27%,下同）增加至2012年的39091人（22%）,美国人从6354人（14%）增加至26000人（15%）,韩国人从3294人（7%）增加至20456人（12%）.但是,这些数字存在统计偏小的问题.日本外务省海外在留邦人数调查统计,2012年在沪日本人为57458人[22]. ...

2013

... [4].上海最典型的外国人聚居区就是古北日本人聚居区,因此以古北地区为例进行案例研究. ...

广州日本移民的生活活动与生活空间

2010

... “族裔经济”作为一个舶来语,随着中国对外开放程度的加深、日益增多的外国人在中国大城市集聚而逐渐进入公众视野.现阶段中国对族裔经济的研究多为以某一城市为对象的实证研究.如刘云刚等通过对在穗日本人的长期追踪调查,指出日本族裔经济具有自我服务、本地植根的特点[5,6];李志刚等通过对广州非洲人族裔经济区的形成和演化过程的分析,指出非洲人族裔经济区的兴起与中国“世界工厂”的地位密切相关[7-9]. ...

广州日本移民的生活活动与生活空间

2010

广州日本移民族裔经济的形成及其社会空间特征

2014

广州日本移民族裔经济的形成及其社会空间特征

2014

广州小北路黑人聚居区社会空间分析

2008

广州小北路黑人聚居区社会空间分析

2008

全球化背景下的日本移民动态研究

2010

全球化背景下的日本移民动态研究

2010

“跨国商贸主义”下的城市新社会空间生产: 对广州非裔经济区的实证

2012

“跨国商贸主义”下的城市新社会空间生产: 对广州非裔经济区的实证

2012

洋面孔的中国生活

2008

洋面孔的中国生活

2008

中国大城市的外国人“族裔经济区”研究: 对广州“巧克力城”的实证

2012

中国大城市的外国人“族裔经济区”研究: 对广州“巧克力城”的实证

2012

1980

... 社会学家Bonacich等最早提出族裔经济的定义,指代少数族裔群体成员从事的经济活动,强调活动参与者的族裔属性,即经营者和大部分雇员为族裔成员[10].Reite认为族裔经济应包括族裔成员参与的、使用母语的所有经济活动[11].较之前的定义,Reite把受雇于非族裔经营者,但使用母语的经济活动也纳入族裔经济的范畴.在Bonacich等提出的定义的基础上,Aldrich等增加了“族裔文化”这一评价标准,即族裔经济提供的商品或服务应具有族裔特色[12].但上述定义并未就是否为本族裔群体服务做出明确规定. ...

The Survival of Ethnic Groups

1980

Ethnicity and entrepreneurship.

1990

... 关于族裔经济的形成机制,部分学者认为由于主流社会难以满足族裔群体具族裔特色的消费需求（如对某些商品和服务的特殊偏好的消费需求）,因而促使为族裔群体服务的族裔市场的形成;这一族裔市场受族裔人口规模、族裔成员的特殊品位和消费需求、族裔成员自身的不利条件（如不谙当地语言、社会隔离）、族裔文化等因素的共同影响[12].但是,这仅从族裔群体的视角解释了族裔经济的形成原因,也即内因.在探讨族裔经济的形成机制时,移民接受国的移民政策、社会环境、劳动力市场结构等对族裔经济的影响也不容小觑.因此将从外因和内因两方面对古北地区日本人聚居区族裔经济的形成过程进行分析. ...

The spatial structure of urban ethnic economies.

1998

... 在地理学的研究中,一般从空间的视角出发将族裔经济与族裔聚居区进行联合考虑,这是由于为确保族裔劳动力或接近消费群体,族裔经济往往靠近族裔聚居区或直接以族裔聚居区为空间载体而形成[13].Li通过对洛杉矶的华裔族裔经济进行研究,认为族裔经济的发展与族裔聚居区的人口增长存在正相关关系[14].但Waldinger等则认为族裔经济与族裔聚居区的关系是复杂和可变的,且很大程度上受族裔经济的类别、族裔群体的族裔属性、地理环境和时间等因素的影响[15]. ...

Los Angeles's Chinese ethnoburb: From ethnic service center to global economy outpost.

1998

... 在此基础上,部分学者提出“聚居区族裔经济”的概念,但并未就其定义形成统一的认识.Li根据族裔经济与族裔聚居区的空间距离,提出族裔经济发展的两个阶段：从聚居区族裔经济到中间人少数族裔经济[14].根据Li的解释,以聚居区内大量居住的族裔成员为对象的经济活动,其进入门槛更低且更易获得事业成功,所以族裔经济在地理位置上往往发源于族裔聚居区.因此第一阶段的聚居区族裔经济主要满足居住于聚居区内的族裔成员的日常生活需求,以小资本的服务业和零售业为主.随着事业的成功,经营者将目光投向更为广阔的当地主流市场,其经营活动更加多元化并逐渐扩散到聚居区外,服务群体也扩大至或甚至主要面向非族裔群体,此时即进入第二阶段的中间人少数族裔经济,如位于洛杉矶黑人社区中的韩裔商业活动[16]. ...

1990

Cultural and economic boundaries of Korean ethnicity: A comparative analysis.

1991

The social origins of the Cuban enclave economy of Miami.

1987

... 另一方面,Portes等通过对迈阿密的古巴族裔经济研究,认为聚居区族裔经济包括以下要素：族裔群体内有相当大比例的经营者;以本族裔成员及主流社会成员为服务对象;为族裔成员提供大量工作岗位;族裔公司或企业在聚居区内集聚等[17,18].但是,Light指出该概念剔除了实际上存在于聚居区族裔经济体系内的个体经营者,同时也无法很好地解释如纽约的韩国人街和加利福尼亚州南部的越南人街等聚居区族裔经济.在韩国人街的案例中,墨西哥人同时充当着族裔经济的雇员和顾客的双重角色;而在越南人街的案例中,经营者大多为来自越南的华裔,雇员则多为越南人和菲律宾人[19,20].由此可见,聚居区族裔经济作为一种特殊的族裔经济模式,同样存在着定义暧昧、界定不清的问题. ...

The enclave and the entrants: Patterns of ethnic enterprise in Miami before and after Mariel.

1989

Beyond the ethnic enclave economy.

1994

1991

エスニック?タウンの生成?発展モデルと米国日本人街における検証

2011

... 杉浦在大量实证研究的基础上,提出“族裔社区（ethnic town）”这一统筹族裔聚居区和族裔经济的概念.杉浦认为,族裔社区是指某一族裔群体集中居住的、拥有大量为族裔群体服务的商业设施和社会组织等的特定区域.在考察了处于不同发展阶段的美国洛杉矶、旧金山、西雅图、圣何塞的日本人街的基础上,杉浦提出了族裔社区演变模型的四阶段论：① 萌芽期：族裔群体聚居而衍生族裔市场,促使族裔经济的出现;② 族裔聚居与族裔经济共生期：族裔经济发挥集聚效应,促进族裔经济设施和聚居人口规模的增长,族裔经济的劳动力以聚居区内的族裔成员为主,强调居住、商业、社会网络功能的结合;③ 族裔经济主导期：族裔人口居住分散化,族裔经济的服务范围扩散至社区外,族裔经济的劳动力和服务对象扩大至包括非族裔群体,社区功能更多表现为商业功能;④ 衰退期或转换期：既可能随着族裔人口和族裔经济的过度分散而进入衰退期,也可能随着外来游客的增多而转变为主要为非族裔群体服务的旅游观光地[21].这一“族裔社区”的定义相对较为符合本文的研究案例,因此将其作为基本的分析视角和概念加以运用. ...

... 从日本人聚居区及族裔经济的发展现状来看,古北地区的日本人社区正处于族裔社区演变模型的第二阶段,即居住与商业功能紧密结合的族裔聚居与族裔经济共生期[21].目前,日本人聚居区族裔经济正发挥积极的集聚效应,刺激族裔经济设施和人口规模的进一步扩大.但是,由于日本人聚居区的构成主体及族裔经济的服务对象大多为日资企业的派遣职员及其家属,导致其维持和发展高度依赖于当地的日资企业.日资企业今后在上海的发展动向,将会对日本人社区产生深远影响,既可能随着日资企业的投资增加而进一步发展,也可能随日资企业的撤资而陷入衰退状态.因此古北地区的日本人社区带有明显的脆弱性,不仅受日本对沪投资的影响,日本人聚居区族裔经济也难以脱离日本人聚居区而独立发展.由此可推断,日本人社区将很可能在长期内维持在第二阶段的共生期,此后跳过第三阶段的族裔经济主导期而直接进入第四阶段的衰退期或转换期. ...

エスニック?タウンの生成?発展モデルと米国日本人街における検証

2011

海外在留邦人数调查统计: 平成23年

2011

... 进入21世纪,在沪日本人口快速增长,2001年首次突破万人,2004年以34122人超越香港成为中国最大的日本人聚集城市,2011年更以56481人超越纽约成为世界第二大日本人海外聚集城市,12年间增长6倍左右[22].在沪日本人数量的增多,促使古北地区日本人聚居区迅速发展的同时,也刺激了对族裔经济需求的增长.2004年后中国部分商业领域对外国人开放,外国人获准在中国开展族裔经济的相关经营活动.在此背景下,以创业为目的进入上海的日本人开始增多,并成为经营日本族裔经济设施群体的主力.为降低经营成本,日本经营者倾向于聘请中国雇员;而拥有留日经历的中国经营者为保持设施的“族裔属性”,在聘请中国雇员的同时注意吸纳日本雇员.换言之,古北地区的日本族裔经济是以中国人和日本人经营为主、以中国雇员为主要劳动力的一种特殊的聚居区族裔经济模式,该模式也是其区别于其他国家族裔经济的重要特征之一（图7）.此外,日本族裔经济的服务对象更为多元化,从以日本人为主转变为以日本人为主、他裔人士为辅.如在沪日本人广为熟知的No.16,是销售日本进口的调味品、零食及新鲜蔬果、海产品（主要是寿司和刺身）的日资超市.该超市开业于1999年,2013年在古北地区共开设有5家分店.通过对该店店长的访谈可知,超市的日均顾客约300人,约80%为居住在古北地区的日本人,20%左右为港澳台同胞,而来自古北地区外,甚至上海市外（苏州、昆山等）的日本顾客也并不少见.服务对象的多元化倾向也存在于其他的日本族裔经济设施.近年来,受日本文化影响而到古北地区寻找日本美食、日本时尚和日本动漫产品的中国年轻人正逐渐增多. ...

海外在留邦人数调查统计: 平成23年

2011

跨世纪建筑的航母: 古北新区

1997

... 20世纪90年代,上海形成了当时规模最大的外国人聚居区——“古北新区”.古北新区作为上海第一个涉外商务区（虹桥经济技术开发区）,配套设施于1986年开始兴建,1993年完成一期建设,总规划用地面积136.6万m2,总建筑面积300万m2.其规划目的是为解决外国专家和港澳台同胞等的居住问题,以促进招商引资工作的开展.因此,古北新区配置了相应的办公、商业、文化娱乐、教育等设施,是兼具商业和外贸功能的涉外居住区[23]. ...

跨世纪建筑的航母: 古北新区

1997

2012

... 21世纪以后,为应对快速增长的在沪外国人,上海从2003年起解除了对外国人居住地的限制.此后,之前一直处于混居形态的各国籍外国人,开始呈现出居住分离的倾向,也即出现了以国籍为单位的族裔聚居区,如古北新区成为日本人聚居区,闵行区成为韩国人聚居区.同时,古北新区启动了二期扩建计划.因此,以2003年为分界点,日本人聚居区的空间区位、聚居规模乃至政治经济背景都发生了新变化.从图3可以看出,长宁区是日本人居住最为集中的区域,约有43%的日本人居住于此,其次依次是浦东新区（17%）、闵行区（10%）和徐汇区（10%）[24].根据实地调查,居住于长宁区的日本人实际上大多聚居于古北新区及其周围地区.由此可见,尽管外国人居住地的限制被解除后,古北新区仍是最受日本人欢迎的居住地.这一方面得益于古北新区靠近虹桥经济技术开发区和虹桥机场的区位优势;另一方面,居住环境良好、配套设施完善的古北新区较能满足日本人的居住选择偏好,具备较高的付租能力也支持着其择居行为. ...

2012

福建省福清出身の在日新華僑とその僑郷

2010

... 此外,新的群体——拥有在日本生活经历的中国人也开始积极参与到日本族裔经济的经营群体中.他们对日本社会文化较为熟悉,日语掌握程度较高.因此,在一定程度上能迎合日本顾客的需求,如提供符合日本人口味的食品、标准的日文菜单等;以榻榻米、纸灯笼等装潢店铺,营造日本式的氛围环境;聘请日本雇员,重视日本式服务的提供等.这与留学日本的中国留学生归国创业的时期也较为吻合.山下指出,20世纪80-90年代留学日本的中国留学生,主要来自上海市和福建省;来自上海市的留学生在1990年约占中国留学生的17%,2000年占14%[25].2000年以后,随着上海经济形势发展良好,部分留学生选择归国创业,成为日本族裔经济的重要参与者. ...

福建省福清出身の在日新華僑とその僑郷

2010

民族集団のすみわけに関する都市社会地理学的研究の展望

1984

... 其次,日本人聚居区族裔经济形成的内因,则可从日本人的日常生活需求、文化意识和身份认同等方面得到解释.作为单一民族的日本人,对日本特有的传统文化、生活方式非常重视,特别是在饮食习惯上倾向于选择和食,日本的调味品、寿司、刺身等更是不可缺少.族裔经济的存在不仅有助于降低族裔群体与当地社会的矛盾和冲突、加强同胞间的相互扶持,同时对族裔个体的身份和文化认同也发挥积极的作用[26].除上述原因外,海外日本人的封闭性也是重要的内因,特别是语言障碍所带来的封闭性在非英语圈国家中更为明显.尽管在日常购物方面,通过身体语言可以一定程度上消解这一问题,但在服务业领域,特别是美容美发、医疗、教育等方面,语言障碍的影响却具有放大效应.换言之,语言不通阻碍了日本人的社会融入,加剧了日本人社区的封闭性.因此,日本人聚居区族裔经济是在非移民国家的政策制约下及日本人社区的封闭性共同作用下形成的一种特殊族裔空间景观. ...

民族集団のすみわけに関する都市社会地理学的研究の展望

1984

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A Model of Ethnic Town Formation and Development Applied to Four Japantowns, or Concentrated Japanese Ethnic Business Communities, in America

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Quarterly Journal of Geography

Online ISSN : 1884-1252

Print ISSN : 0916-7889

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Quarterly Journal of Geography

Volume 63 (2011) Issue 3 / Article overview

Original Article

A Model of Ethnic Town Formation and Development Applied to Four Japantowns, or Concentrated Japanese Ethnic Business Communities, in America

Tadashi SUGIURA

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Tadashi SUGIURA

The Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Iwate University

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Keywords:

ethnic town,

Japantown,

agglomerated ethnic town,

ethnic business town,

the West Coast of America

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FREE ACCESS

2012

Volume 63

Issue 3

Pages 125-146

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https://doi.org/10.5190/tga.63.125

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Published: 2012

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Released on J-STAGE: October 25, 2012

Accepted: September 27, 2011

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Ximeng: A Wa ethnic town of leisure in southwest Yunnan - Sights - Yunnan Express

Home > TRAVEL&Culture > Sights > Content

Ximeng: A Wa ethnic town of leisure in southwest Yunnan

Updated：2020-04-02 11:49:35 Yunnan Gateway

Ximeng is a typically mountainous town located in southwest Yunnan’s Pu'er City.

In recent years, locals embrace the concepts of ecological development and scientific planning, fusing the unique ethnic culture into the urbanization drive. Traditional costumes and buildings of Wa ethnic group are well conserved.

The plain, natural and harmonious lifestyle has made the town a leisure place for vacation goers. Putting together culture and tourism, Ximeng aims to be a quite livable and beautiful destination in the new era.

Reporting by Wei Linxia (People’s Daily Online); trans-editing by Wang Shixue

Keywords: Ximeng Wa ethnic town Yunnan